Friday, February 24, 2017

Who Were "The Servants"? Tom and Lewis

By Ian Mumpton

The Schuyler family left a wealth of documentary evidence that can often let us piece together surprisingly intimate details of their lives, despite being separated in time by more than two centuries. This sort of work is much more difficult when it comes to the lives of the enslaved. Often we are left attempting to reconstruct identities, activities, and relationships from a few scattered references in letters and receipts. However this paucity of sources should not, and need not, obstruct us from attempting to glean key details about the lives of these men, women, and children. Even minor details, when looked at in the context of the period, can yield important results. In this edition of “Who Were the Servants”, we will focus on two men about whom very little is known, but whose recorded experiences can tell us a lot about the different types of labor performed by the enslaved for the Schuyler family.

Col. Richard Varick, to whom Schuyler wrote on
October 12th, 1777 painted by Ralph Earl, 1787
.
On October 12th, 1777, Philip Schuyler dispatched a man named Tom, along with another unnamed “servant”, to the remains of his country seat at Saratoga. The house that had previously been the heart of a sprawling farming estate lay in ashes, burned by British troops under General John Burgoyne following the battles of Saratoga, along with numerous other buildings and military stores. Tom had been enslaved by the Schuyler family for at least two years at this point. The earliest extant mention of his name is from 1775, when Philip paid 3 shillings 6 pence to a Jacob Hendrick for “1 pair of shoes mended for Negro Tom”. On this day, however, Tom and his unnamed companion had been tasked with beginning the process of resurrecting the family estate. As Schuyler wrote to his then-secretary/aide  Richard Varick:
Dear sir,
I send up Tom and another servant to pick up the Iron work of the Buildings which the Enemy have burnt. If you can possibly procure some hands to assist I wish you to do it as Iron and nails are at present very scarce, and I wish that what can be saved should be carried to the mill house at the upper mill… If I am not too much indisposed I propose riding up to morrow or next day. I wish you would direct Tom to see what Forage there is on Guiles farm either Cut or Standing.
Wether there are any turnips or potatoes remaining. –wether the wood work of the ploughs which was left near the turnip patch is still there. Wether there is any feed in the field upon the hill that was intended to be sowed with wheat this fall… I intend immediately to have my mills rebuilt and some house Erected.
     I am Dr Sir Affectionately
                 And Sincerely Your Obed.
                                             f.hl Servant
                                                         Ph Schuyler
A Black soldier of the 1st Rhode Island
Regiment.
 Despite incurring  Philip
Schuyler's disdain, African American
soldiers, both free and enslaved, served with
distinction on both sides of the Revolution.
 Brief as it is, this letter can tell us a good deal. For example, the letter is dated October 12th. While the most recent clash between the British and Separatist forces at Saratoga had taken place on the 7th, skirmishing continued until the 13th when Burgoyne’s British forces were finally surrounded. Philip Schuyler was so eager to rebuild that he sent his servants to begin the process before the final cessation of hostilities in the area. Given the stated scarcity of iron, this is understandable, but it also reinforces a crucial point: the Revolution was not a conflict reserved to the battlefield and soldiers. Civilians of all classes, Separatist or Loyalist, free or enslaved, continued to live their lives in the closest possible proximity to the bloodshed. For the enslaved, the confusion of the war offered little respite from day-to-day labor. It could offer other opportunities in the form of freedom through service, however, for those enslaved by the Schuylers, there was no hope of gaining freedom by assisting the Revolutionary cause; Philip considered the presence of Black troops, “mortifying barely to mention…” and only a few months before had referred to them as a “disgrace [to] our arms.” At the same time, fears that the enslaved population would provide assistance to the British had prompted a law to be passed in Albany in 1775 that any enslaved man found more than a mile from home without his master’s permission could be shot on sight*. For this reason, Tom may have carried a letter signed by Philip which he could present as evidence that he was not attempting to flee to the British.

The Saratoga estate was a long day’s travel from the Schuyler house in Albany. Philip’s letter to Varick reflects a large amount of responsibility and autonomy being put on Tom. Not only is he tasked with collecting the valuable iron remnants of the house, but with ascertaining the condition of various crops elsewhere on the estate. In contrast to the perception that all slave labor was unskilled, menial work (e.g. sifting through ashes) this provides further evidence that many of the enslaved were engaged in specialized and/or skilled services with a surprising amount of autonomy and limited supervision, yet still saw their labor exploited for profit and comfort.

Unfortunately, we know little else about Tom. Records indicate that he was still enslaved by the family in 1789 when he received medical treatment from Dr. Samuel Stringer for an unspecified illness. Assuming that he was at least eighteen years old in 1777 (a reasonable assumption given the amount of responsibility placed on him), that makes him least age thirty at the time of his last mention. It is possible that he recovered from his illness and either remained with the Schuylers or was sold. It is also possible that he died of his illness at that time. In either case, this letter provides a window into a day in his life, one which indicates the variety of work a man in his position could have been expected to perform.

The other subject of this article is even more of a ghost in the documentary record; Lewis is known to history only by a single letter written by Benjamin Franklin to Philip Schuyler in May of 1776:
Dear General:We arrived here [NYC] safe yesterday Evening, in your Post-Chaise driven by Lewis. I was unwilling to give so much trouble, and would have borrowed your sulkey and driven myself, but good Mrs. Schuyler insisted on a full Compliance with your Pleasure…and I was obliged to submit; which I was afterwards very glad of, part of the Road being very stoney and much gullied; where I should probably have overset and broke my own Bones; all the Skill and Dexterity of Lewis being no more than sufficient. Thro’ the Influence of your kind Recommendation to the Innkeepers on the Road, we found a great Readiness to supply us with Change of Horses…    
This letter mentions Lewis twice, both times in the context of his role as Franklin’s driver. The lack of other documentation means that we cannot determine Lewis’ age, health, relationships to others, appearance, or any of the other details we might desire to know about him, and yet this letter is not without its own insights.

Most obviously, this letter tells us that Lewis was a coachman. This is extremely specialized service requiring an ability to handle animals in often difficult conditions while properly reflecting the refinement of the family claiming ownership of your person and labor. Lewis not only knew how to drive a team of horses (which itself also assumes an ability to work with and care for the animals and their equipment), but, to be selected for this task, would also have been trained in the etiquette of refined servility, attending Franklin during the journey. The fact that Lewis would have been viewed as an “object” of display, reflecting on both the Schuylers and Franklin, means that he likely wore better clothing than a man like Tom would have, tending to the Saratoga estate. However Lewis did not have a “cushy” job by any means. Travel in the 18th century was arduous in the extreme; Franklin’s reference to risking broken bones was no hyperbole. Upsets, broken axles, rutted roads, and injuries to the horses themselves were a common feature of overland travel at this time (not to mention the fact that Lewis would have been in 24/7 attendance upon the notoriously irascible Franklin**).
A satirical image of the dangers of travelling by carriage. While the image lampoons the Scots, the roads in NY were often not much better.
The references to these two men that have survived, few as they are, paint a varied picture of the sorts of work performed by the enslaved. Both men are described working in different spheres of the Schuyler’s lives. Tom collected iron while Lewis drove a carriage, and yet interwoven between these apparently different worlds there are recurring themes of autonomy and skill juxtaposed with exploitation and a reminder than just because we may not know all the answers does not mean we should not ask the question, “Who were they?”



*See p. 301.
** For John Adams description of Franklin as a travelling companion, click here.

Wednesday, February 15, 2017

Update: The Ruins of Rome Wallpaper Install

by Danielle Funiciello

The downstairs (left) and upstairs(right) hallways of Schuyler Mansion as they appeared in previous seasons. Both spaces were meant to be overtly stylish spaces in Schuyler's day - the downstairs hall was the first impression visitors got of the home, while the upstairs "Salon" was the largest room in the house, which was used for dances, feasts, and other festivities.
Visitors to Schuyler Mansion during our “Salutations of the Season” event on January 7th got a sneak peek at a much talked-about project that has recently come to fruition; the reproduced “Ruins of Rome” wallpaper that once, and now again fills the hallways of Schuyler Mansion.

As previously discussed in our article about the start of this project (here), the “Ruins of Rome” was a paper produced in England during the mid-1700s. Philip Schuyler’s receipts from the initial construction of the home show purchase of enough “Ruins of Rome” paper to cover both the large downstairs entry hall and the even larger upstairs central hall or “salon”. The paper would have also been applied to the staircase connecting the two.

As one might imagine, a detailed, historic wallpaper like this creates a number of challenges in addition to the usual difficulty of modern wallpaper, both in production and installation.

High resolution prints of the "Ruins of Rome" wallpaper receive a UV coating
at Peebles Island Resource Center, September 2017.
Rich Claus and Erin Moroney of the Peebles Island Resource Center went above and beyond the call of duty in creating our high quality digital reproduction of the paper, which was spliced together from two different sources. It had to be perfectly modeled to fit the dimensions of Schuyler Mansion and account for the overlap that would result from the installation process. Once the paper was printed, Erin Moroney and paintings conservator Mary Betlejeski applied a UV coating to protect the color from fading over time. Not only did the Peebles Island team execute this project beautifully but, even after retiring this past year, Rich Claus continued to volunteer his time to make sure that the project was a success – we thank him greatly for this!

Charlie Gilley puts finishing touches on
wallpaper panels in the stairwell at
Schuyler Mansion, January 2017.
Members of Gilley Paint and
Restoration LLC prepare paper
panels for installation in the Salon
at Schuyler Mansion, January 2017.
Once the reproduction was finished, it was handed into the capable hands of Charlie Gilley and his team from Gilley Paint and Resoration LLC, for installation. Installation began late in November, but some visitors may have noticed; only the small back hall had paper by our January 7th event. This is because a key initial step was preserving and covering the existing wallpaper in the upstairs salon. Called “Eldorado”, this paper by the Parisian company Zuber has been produced since 1848. It was installed at Schuyler Mansion as part of the earliest museum interpretations around 1914. Being over 100 years old and in excellent condition from being in the controlled museum environment, it was important to preserve this beautiful artifact in state. Therefore, before "Ruins of Rome" could be installed, paneling had to be installed to create a faux-wall surface that the new paper could adhere to. “Eldorado” will remain protected beneath the “Ruins of Rome” for future generations.
Panels of Eldorado, a woodblock printed paper which has been in production by French company Zuber since 1848.
Eldorado was installed in the upper hall at Schuyler Mansion during the 1910s to give an approximation of the
type of paper Philip Schuyler purchased for his home. 

The final results are stunning. Rather than the sparse interior which has greeted visitors for 100 years, walking into the mansion is like now like stepping back in time. Philip Schuyler vision for his home was calculated. Each element was designed not only to impress guests once they arrived at the home, but to encourage wealthy and important guests to come in the first place; thereby creating networking opportunities for the Schuyler family. The size and grandeur of the home was successful – drawing visitors like the Washingtons, the Marquis de Lafayette, the Marquis de Chastellux, Benedict Arnold, and even Benjamin Franklin, who had a letter of introduction written so that he could stay at Schuyler’s when travelling through Albany. The “Ruins of Rome" helps historians and museum visitors alike understand the first impression that accomplished this.


The front hall at Schuyler Mansion looking towards the
front door. With the "Ruins of Rome" wallpaper in place,
the space is brighter, more impressive, and feels more open,
as it would have been with the Schuylers in residence.


Our public unveiling event for the “Ruins of Rome” wallpaper will correspond with our July 4th Independence Day celebration this year, though Friends of Schuyler Mansion Members, who matched the grant to pay for this project, will have an earlier unveiling, and visitors can see the completed installation on Hamilton Tours and during the regular season beginning mid-May.

Friday, February 3, 2017

Dressing the Part II- Johnny Schuyler, King of Swag

by Ian Mumpton

Last week we put up an article about receipts from Sothebys detailing high-end fashion purchases made by the Schuylers  in the 1760’s and early 1770’s. The types of finery referred to in these receipts would have been instrumental to the family’s identity. Textiles and personal adornment were a means for displaying not only their extravagant wealth, but an even more pervasive element of refinement, gentility, and power. The clothing described was not only expensive to buy, but followed the latest European trends, showcasing the Schuylers’ familiarity with international fashion and an ability to import textiles and styles from Europe. The mercantile connections that made this possible also made the Schuylers powerful players in society. As the mature male head of the family, Philip himself would have worn expensive, high quality textiles, however the understated sense of refinement by which he shaped his outward expression rejected ostentatious display in his own personal adornment (even if not in his home, carriages, or family). This was not the case for his oldest son, however.
Philip Jeremiah Schuyler, as painted by Robert. His clothing
reflects a far more somber style than his older brother's.

John Bradstreet Schuyler, called John or Johnny by friends and family, seems to have been more than a little bit of what the era referred to as a Dandy. His younger brother, Philip Jeremiah, is painted in several portraits wearing high-quality yet understated clothing in various shades of black, brown, or grey, very similar to his father. No portraits of Johnny exist, however, by looking at his shopping receipts, a very different picture emerges.

In the collection of the New York Public Library is a receipt labeled NYPL 543-Reel 16. It lists expenses owed to a Mr. Abraham Brouwer of New York by Mr. John B. Schuyler accumulated between February 5th and March 26th of 1785. The total price listed is £17, 1 shilling and 3 pence less £3, 4 shillings paid in cash (roughly over $2,500 in current US currency). This is a hefty sum of money; a little over 30% of the average annual income for a skilled craftsman in the city of Albany at that time. So what did young (he was not yet 20 years old at the time) Johnny Schuyler buy for £17.1.3? Let’s dig in:

New York February 5th 1765
Mr. John B Schuyler
to Abraham Brouwer
To Making one coat 2 vests & 2 pairs of breeches                                              £3.0.0
2 ¼ yd of white Mode                                     @ 12/                                 1.7.0
1 Velvet Cape                                                                                             0.6.0
1 ½ yd of Linnin                                              @2/0                                  0.3.0
20 Large Gold Buttons                                   @14                                    1.3.4
6 small do.                                                          @7d                                0.3.6
1 ½ yd of white satten                                        @24/                                1.16.0
1 ½ yd of Corded Silk                                       @10/                                 1.7.0
3 ½ yds of Linnin                                               @3/4                                0.11.0
10 small Gold Buttons                                       @6                                   0.9.0
1 Dozn small & 3 Large Black Buttons                                                      0.1.2
¼ yd of Durant                                                                                            0.0.9
Silk Thread Twist & Buckram                                                                     0.10.6
10 Small Button moles and Tape                                                                 0.1.6
Do 9 to Making one Coat                                                                                        1.0.0
1 velvet cape                                                                                                0.6.0
Silk Thread Twist & Buckram                                                                     0.5.6
Do 16 to one linnin Drawers                                                                                   0.9.0
March 9- to making 2 pairs of breeches                                                                 1.0.0
1 piece of 2  yds of Nankeen                                                                        0.17.0
1 ½ yds of Brown Holland                             @ 2/0                                    0.4.0
2 Dozn Small & 6 Large  moles                                                                   0.1.0
4 yds of Tape                                                                                                0.0.8
To cash [Lent/Spent/?] one Crown                                                               0.9.0
Silk Thread & Twist                                                                                      0.4.0
Do 26 to making One Vest                                                                                        0.10.0
¾ Yds. Of Mirselis                                                                                        0.9.0
1 ½ yd. of linnin                                                 @ ¾                                   0.4.2
Thread & moles                                                                                            0.1.6

_____
17.1.3
[?] By Cash 3.4.0
___
Balance Due 13.17.3

That’s quite a list. Breaking it down, the receipt lists multiple sets of clothing with the individual components that went into each. The first set of clothing listed is for a coat with two sets of small-clothes (vest and breeches). What is wonderful about this receipt is that not only can we tell what the clothing was, but we can piece together a strong conjecture about what it looked like.

Pompeo Batoni, Portrait of Richard Milles, London, National
Gallery
. While we do not know what color his cape was,
John B. Schuyler appears to have worn a similar style to Milles here,
complete with white satin. His buttons were gold, however.
The textiles listed would have made for an extremely snazzy outfit. The first item listed is 2 ½ yards of White Mode. “Mode” refers to “a la Mode” fabric, a super-fine silk with a high gloss and semi-translucent quality. It was popular for scarves and cravats, but may have also served as the lining for the coat or have gone into a waistcoat (one of the “vests” referred to). The clothing was likely lined with linen, or one of the vests may have had a linen back, leaving the best fabric for the visible portions. There is also a reference to white satin, corded silk, and a large number of gold buttons in various sizes, however, the ¼ yard of durrant is more mysterious. Durrant was a heavy felted wool that was popular as a faux-buffed leather. At ¼ yard, it is the smallest piece of fabric listed for this set. As it was meant to emulate buffed leather, it would have been a pale tan or off-white itself. Perhaps it was used to trim or offset the main garments as pocket flaps or as banding along the bottom of the breeches legs? In either case, John B. would have cut a dapper figure stepping out in his white and gold suit with a velvet cape.

This was not his only purchase from Mr. Brouwer however. The other entries record a second coat and vest, as well as two more breeches, giving him two full outfits complete with choice of breeches and a cape for each. While his first suit what white and gold, he seems to have gone with browns and gold for the second set of breeches at least. The receipts list brown Holland, a super-fine linen, and “Nankeen”, or Nanking, a Chinese textile most common in brownish-gold tones. The reference to tape and twist associated with these breeches indicates that they were likely ornamented as well, and may well have matched the vest ordered soon after. This vest, likely lined and backed with linen, would have displayed a “Mirselis” front. This is most likely a reference to Marseilles cloth, a heavily textured, highly ornamental fabric.

An example of Marseilles cloth , English, 1760-1775, 
So what was Johnny conveying with silk clothing and velvet capes? This is more difficult to answer; after all, internal motivations don’t usually leave receipts. Wealth was obviously on display, as well as his family’s mercantile connections and appreciation for European style. However, while the women of the family appear to have dressed in highly ornate clothing, at least on certain occasions, there is little evidence that the men (including his father and younger brother) wore anything on par with this. While Philip certainly dressed well, John B. is an outlier. We can only speculate as to why, however a few possibilities are worth considering. Philip and Catharine Schuyler were both from Dutch roots, however they adopted a refined and elegant English material lifestyle that would have been far more “showy” than that of their own parents. Perhaps Johnny here was simply continuing that tradition himself. As a young man of means from a powerful family, it is possible that he simply wanted to participate in the high end fashion that his family’s money could afford.

On the other hand, it is possible that this display was a form of rebellion. John Bradstreet Schuyler was the oldest son of the family, and as such, Philip Schuyler intended for his son to enter into the same sort of business and politics that had man him one of the leading citizens of New York. Unfortunately for Johnny, he had little knack for this. His father at one point described him as, “A man of little genius”, and frequently critiqued his poor handling of business at the family’s Saratoga estate. Could this have been a young man’s attempt to forge his own identity in society independent of his father? We may never know for sure, but we hope that our ongoing research into this young man’s personal life might yield some answers. Collected documents such as these receipts are invaluable in this regard. While almost nothing has survived in the form of actual Schuyler family textile pieces, these sorts of documents allow us to catch a very intimate and specific glance into the daily lives of these historical individuals.