Showing posts with label women. Show all posts
Showing posts with label women. Show all posts

Tuesday, January 30, 2024

Taken up North: Sold for a Carpet

This blog was written by Sarah Lindecke, a Fall 2023 intern at Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site from Siena College ‘s History and Public History program. The letter examined in this blog had been one of interest for various other Schuyler Mansion staff members, but was taken up for examination by the intern. Finding note of an enslaved woman seemingly sold in exchange for a carpet struck interest and thus the 1776 letter in the correspondence between Philip Schuyler and John Taylor presented the basis for this blog post.


Taken up North: Sold for a Carpet

Displays of Wealth and Severance of Social Connections: The Complicated Narratives of a 1775 Schuyler Letter


When Philip Schuyler was appointed as a Major General, he had a promising career ahead of him, especially with his skills as a strategist, honed in the French and Indian War.  But the major campaign he oversaw—the 1775 invasion of Canada—ended in disaster.  Schuyler himself was unable to be present for the actual campaign due to his ill health, but he was the main mastermind behind it and led the troops as best as he could from his military headquarters at his home in Albany. The campaign was partially successful because Brigadier General Benedict Arnold and fellow Brigadier Generals Richard Montgomery and James Livingston held Quebec under siege during the harsh winter months of 1775-1776. The Colonists began to lose ground in Quebec during this winter and the early months of 1776, but were able to hold Montreal until much later in the year when they retreated. During the complicated campaign and sieges, Major General Schuyler sent his close colleague John Taylor into Montreal on separate business, regarding Schuyler’s personal business. 


John Taylor’s connections to Major General Schuyler ran deep. Through an earlier example of correspondence between the two men, this letter shows how their businesses and interests were very much aligned. As a merchant, Taylor had the proper connections to be appointed to the prized position of Clothier General within the colonial militia. This position connected Taylor often to Major General Schuyler, but a later 1780s position would bring the two under the same government office when they were both appointed to the Commission of Indian Affairs. Taylor was an agent for the commission while Major General Schuyler served as the Commissioner. Major General Schuyler and John Taylor’s business interests connected at home in Albany as well, because Taylor was a local land agent and public officer. Throughout their lives these two men often were in contact for various business ventures and the 1776 letter is no exception. 


The letter is a rather compact note, only covering one sheet of paper—front and back. It is dated for March of 1776. The date is hard to decipher as the shape of the numbers is contrary to usual formations. As for the content, Taylor covers most of the page in discussion about the luxury items he was purchasing in Montreal. He also references his given orders from Major General Schuyler. Taylor’s orders are exemplified in the items that he mentions having purchased. Taylor writes in the first paragraph with notes about the various “lace, the cloth trimmings and epelets [sic]” he purchased during the trip. Later in the letter, Taylor mentioned green tea, stockings, and gloves. Beyond mention of expensive clothing and household goods there is reference to "two carpets the one cost 22 the other 16 Dollars.” These sums would be high for the period and well outside the budgeting of most. From these clues and the reference to Taylor requesting forgiveness for “exceeding orders,” it seems he was sent to Canada to purchase various luxury goods. The nature of the purchases also shows the monumental size of General Schuyler’s wealth even during the tumultuous Revolution years.  


Something important to note about Taylor’s mission is the trade embargos between England and the Colonies that existed at the time. These were established to protect English and colonial interests in the war. English embargos sought to block the movement of goods to the Colonies that could have helped their chances at a win. While colonial embargos sought to disconnect England from its deep resources of wealth gained through colonial ownership of trade. It’s important to note that Philip Schuyler was ignoring the embargos by sending a broker to purchase luxury goods in Canada, creating a conflict of interest. Sending a broker to carry out the transactions eliminated some of the culpability for Schuyler but did not ensure he would not see some sanctions if knowledge of this counter-Colonial trade run were to be exposed.  


So far, this letter appears to be a product of the usual whims of those with great wealth. However, there is a crucial other reason this letter is so important: there is reference to the sale of an enslaved woman in exchange for a fine carpet. The text reads:  


“I came across this one after I bought the other two, it being an extraordinary fine one together with a necessity I was under to take it in exchange for the wench, will I hope apologize for my exceeding my orders in buying three”  


Later in the letter, Taylor wrote that he “sold the wench for sixty-eight pounds.” This could allude to the perceived value of the enslaved woman or the carpet. Considering the language, it could also be interpreted as Taylor seeking a third carpet to return with, but he was unable to because he ran out of allotted funds. If this is the case, then rather than leave Montreal without the third carpet, he sought to liquidate other assets to make the purchase. The unnamed enslaved woman represented a liquid asset that would have been trouble to keep, according to Taylor, because her new enslavers began to “complain of her being dirty, imprudent, & lazy.” Taylor follows this statement with “I hope to leave this before she establishes those characters.” This admission from Taylor suggests that he was aware of the tenuous nature of the deal to sell the woman. Nonetheless, seeing the opportunity to please Major General Schuyler, he may have chosen to sell the unnamed woman to obtain another coveted fine carpet.  

Though we do not have the enslaved woman’s name, there is plenty that can be gleaned from what the letter doesn’t say, mainly regarding her life after being sold hundreds of miles from Albany. Without her name or any other biographical details, this cannot be an individual look at the experience of being sold far away from home, but her story provides us with a way to consider the different aspects of the sudden change until future research reveals the identity of the woman.    

One of the first things to think about is any choice or agency she may have possessed in her own sale. She joined the trip to Montreal likely without much, if any, choice. Her status as an enslaved person meant that her willingness to go was barely, if at all, considered. She would have been forced and expected to comply with the wishes of her enslaver, though this letter does not make clear whom this person was. Unfortunately, from the letter we do not have a concrete location as to where this woman came from before the trip. She may have been from Albany or Saratoga which would have seen her travel with Taylor the entire journey. If this was the case, it is possible she had been made aware of the impending trip to Montreal, but may not have been made aware of any of the specifics, such as the method of travel or purpose of the trip. It's also entirely possibly no explanation was given. In this case it would be possible to suggest that the woman was purchased along the way up to Montreal. As we do not hear the woman in Taylor’s letter’s voice, we cannot know the conversations presented to her before the trip.

Detail of a 1776 map showing part of the trip to Montreal.

Another important factor to consider is the role of community. Before the trip, when living in Albany, or some other local, this woman would have created and had a community around her. She could have had friendships, possibly romances, and even bonds between parent and child, whether that was her own parents or her own children. These connections were the foundation of social lives for enslaved people. Within Albany, the enslaved community was connected within and across households. During holidays like Pinkster, enslaved people had the opportunity to reconnect with people living both nearby and from a distance away. Some enslaved people had opportunities to connect through their labors. Through these meetings, they had strong friendships and familial bonds that made leaving the place they were living in—whether through force or choice—extremely painful.   

When John Taylor took the enslaved woman mentioned in the letter to Montreal, he was forcibly separating her from social community. She may have had a life partner, children, parents, or a friend she would likely never see again after she was sold. These people may have known where she went, but would likely have had no way to contact her. Information about her was possibly entirely withheld from her friends and family. Once she was separated from her community in Albany, she’d need to reestablish social connections in Montreal with those now around her.  

As she was being brought to Canada, there were also possible language barriers. Montreal, and Quebec by extension, was a multi-cultural city. French and Indigenous roots blended with new British influence all within the city's bounds, leading to many different languages being spoken by residences and those there to do business, as Taylor was. The enslaved woman may have had to contend with language barriers from her new owners and the people around her. She likely had some degree of proficiency in English, whether it was a second or first language for her, but probably didn’t know French, leaving her unable to communicate with a lot of people around her. It’s possible the entire transaction selling her away may have been in French. If that was the case, the transaction was potentially outside of her understanding until she was passed over to her new enslaver. As we do not know the language skills of both Taylor and the enslaved woman this can only be posited.  

Overall, this letter has importance in multiple contexts. It shows the lengths the wealthy would go to when obtaining luxuries during the Revolutionary War. Major General Philip Schuyler, and, by extension, his broker John Taylor, circumnavigated trade embargos and utilized the present military campaign to their personal advantage. They considered the trip during the campaign a necessary convenience beyond any other concern. Beyond this letter’s usefulness in understanding the concerns of men like Schuyler, it demonstrates how enslaved people were seen as expendable commodity to their enslavers. The woman mentioned in John Taylor’s letter leaves no biographical details beyond this letter, but researchers at Schuyler Mansion will continue the search for the enslaved woman traveling to Montreal. She is described simply as “wench”, and denied the opportunity to reclaim her story from the men who owned and sold her in exchange for fine carpets. 

Even with only one letter to tell her story, it’s important to examine the letter because it is important to consider the situations that illustrate the perspective of this woman and enslaved populations collectively. With this letter there is space to ponder the feelings of the woman that could fall between frustration, isolation, relief, etc. Her life is not known outside this singular letter, but by asking questions and consulting similar accounts of other enslaved people, perhaps she can be better understood, and her story finally told. 



Bibliography

 

Foster, Frances Smith. ’Til Death or Distance Do Us Part Love and Marriage in African America. Oxford ; Oxford University Press, 2010. 


Harris, Leslie M. (Leslie Maria), and Daina Ramey Berry, eds. Sexuality and Slavery Reclaiming Intimate Histories in the Americas. Athens,Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2018. 


Kerr, Don. "The Gamble for Canada: In 1775, American Rebels Wanted Independence... and Canada, Too." The Beaver, Dec, 2003, 8-12.  


Malone, Ann Patton. Sweet Chariot : Slave Family and Household Structure in Nineteenth-Century Louisiana. Place of publication not identified: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. 


Williams, Heather Andrea. Help Me to Find My People the African American Search for Family Lost in Slavery. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012. 


YOUNG, ALFRED F. The Democratic Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763-1797. University of North Carolina Press, 1967. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5149/9780807838204_young. 



Friday, May 5, 2023

From the Commonplace Book to the Scrapbook

Excerpt of Eliza Schuyler Hamilton's commonplace book. 
Did you know that the first Saturday in May is National Scrapbook Day? Although the term “scrapbook” wasn’t used until the mid to late-1800s, the concept has existed for centuries. Popularized in the 15th century with the advent of the printing press, people have been using what were called “commonplace books” to compile documents such as recipes, letters, poems, and journal entries. Even as early as the 8th century, these types of books were used to compile biblical texts, and the concept of these books as a form of personal expression and record keeping developed thereafter.

In 1685, Enlightenment philosopher John Locke wrote a treatise on commonplace books, translated into English in 1706 as A New Method of Making Common-Place-Books. Locke offered insights into how a person could document a wide array of information, including proverbs, speeches, and ideas. By the 18th century, the commonplace book had cemented its status as a cherished resource for educated women, providing them with a repository for pamphlets, newspaper clippings, and reflections on the world around them.

Within the Schuyler Mansion collections, there is an excerpt of a commonplace book kept by Eliza Hamilton Schuyler (1811-1863), great-granddaughter of Catharine and Philip Schuyler. Entitled “A Common Place book of Winter life,” these pages detail just eight days from January 1st-8th of 1855. Three small holes visible on the left-hand side of what is now a single sheet of paper indicate it was once a longer book Eliza kept. How long she kept it, and where the missing pages are, is currently unknown.

The eight surviving entries allow us a glimpse into Eliza’s daily life. Almost every day, she recorded the temperature at exactly 8AM. While she sometimes mentioned activities in her family life, such as taking her children to German school, she mainly focused on nature. Her notes were poetic at times: “soft glowing sunset—streaking the [Hudson] river with broady [sic] bands of red, purple & gold—I take this hour for myself & such to rise” In this case, she was describing the view from her father’s home near Irvington, NY. She wrote that the sunset reminded her of the day she was married. She said that day had been “rainy & dull,” but the “clouds broke—such joy flashed upon me with these brilliant slanting beams, that they have strengthened me ever since—” Her entries provide a beautiful window into her world and memories even over 160 years since she recorded them.

While Eliza’s commonplace book focused on nature and her daily life, so many 19th century scrapbooks were full of other mementos like tickets, playbills, and magazine clippings. As magazines began to disseminate even more, the art of scrapbooking as we know it today began to develop thanks to Mark Twain patenting a self-pasting scrapbook that would generate over $100,000 in sales. With the photography also becoming more accessible as near the turn of the 20th century, scrapbooking as opposed to keeping commonplace books became more typical in American homes.

Perhaps as adults, Eliza’s children clipped articles or photos from ladies’ magazines or saved calling cards and playbills. Thanks to each generation’s unique way of keeping mementoes and snippets of their lives as they wanted to remember them, we get a glimpse into a much more personal past.

Friday, April 7, 2023

The Hamilton Sisters: Women's History Month 2023 in Review

Mary Morris Hamilton,
circa 1870s.
The following blog post is a compilation from our 2023 Women’s History Month social media posts. Enjoy!

When researching women’s history, there can be a lot of missing information. That’s why it was so exciting to receive about 20 letters from 1830-1835 that show in detail the lives of five siblings—four sisters & one brother—great-grandchildren of the Schuylers. Reading the letters is like taking a deep-dive into their world: the trips between their home in Manhattan and their other in Westchester, their brother constantly asking for updates from home, their travels, and their nicknames for each other and their friends. It's a brief but intimate look into their lives.

Meet our main characters: Elizabeth (Eliza) (1811-1863), Frances (Fanny) (1815-1887), Mary (Molly) (1818-1877), Angelica (Gekky/Geek) (1819-1868), and their brother, Alexander Jr. (Alex) (1816-1889), as we delve into their stories!

(Letter depicted in first tweet is from Charlotte "Chatty" Hamilton to Angelica "Geek/Gekky" Hamilton, who were cousins.)


“Cousin Chatty” (Charlotte “Chatty” Hamilton)

Chatty's letter to Angelica ("Geek").

Often referred to as “Cousin Chatty,” Charlotte was the daughter of the Hamilton girls’ uncle, John Hamilton. Born in 1819, she was the same age as Angelica, or “Geek/Gekky,” as Chatty and Angelica’s siblings affectionately called her.

Chatty wrote Angelica a letter December 29th, 1836, while Angelica was in Paris. She wrote Angelica that she was sad she didn’t receive a letter from her, but “the knowledge however that you are neither sick nor frightened has in a measure consoled me.” She told Angelica about the balls, parties, and weddings she attended, writing “I have partaken pretty largely in the gaiety & promise myself the pleasure of doing so for the rest of the season.”

She gave Angelica some of the gossip on their friends, writing “Many are under the influence of the United Charms of E. Balrey [?] & the beautiful Miss Church.” “Miss Church” was likely one of their cousins, descended through their great-aunt, Angelica Schuyler Church. At the end of the letter, Charlotte asked what Angelica and her family had done for Christmas, and told her “We have missed you all very much, there seems such a blank in the family circle.” This shows how close the two girls were.

A year later, Fanny Hamilton wrote to Angelica about Charlotte, telling her “Chatty has not been well. She has been excessively admised [to yield to suffer] this winter, […] everyone agrees in saying that it [her beauty] is painful the great appearance of her want of health.” Fanny told her sister that she didn’t see Chatty much, but when she did, she thought her “far from well” and was often asked if “she is not a great invalid.” But Chatty’s parents “are not at all aware of it, they say she is perfectly well.” A month later, Eliza gave an update on Chatty, writing “Chatty is here [at their home in Westchester, Nevis] & seems stronger—she walks every day with more pleasure & eats more—”

Through these letters, we see three of the four sisters, Eliza, Fanny, and Angelica, all discussed & were concerned about Chatty, however no later letters reveal anything further about Chatty. The only known facts are that she lived in Manhattan, did not marry, and died at 76 in 1896.

 

Fanny in Baltimore

Fanny's letter to Angelica.
In late March of 1837, Fanny was travelling through Philadelphia, Baltimore, D.C., and Norfolk with members of her extended family. Her letter to Gekky covered everything from the weather to the various people she met on her travels. The letter between the sisters also shows how far their social network extended, likely because of their status as an elite, wealthy New York family.

Even hundreds of miles from home, Fanny met at least two women who knew their family and remarked on her resemblance to her father. She told Gekky to “tell Papa I met Mrs. Barren” and then added in a bit of gossip: “she sang for me, her voice so broken and having relinquished her colour is very much altered, altho’ I knew her immediately she says she recognized me from my resemblance to him” Fanny confided in Gekky that she’s “to drink tea this even. with a Mrs. Thompson of [tear in letter] place a friend of Aunt Alexander’s I expect to have a horrid time” Her bluntness seems like a classic quip between siblings—something that transcends centuries!

When they travelled, letters were what kept the sisters together. Reading letters between them feels like listening in on a personal conversation because that’s what they are at their core. At the end of her letter, Fanny was excited about finding what letters possibly awaited her at her next destination.

 

Alexander Jr. to Eliza

Alex Jr.'s letter to Eliza.

In 1832, Alexander Jr., the younger brother of the Hamilton sisters, was a student at West Point. He often wrote them letters, and they wrote him ones in return, but not all of those letters have survived. Through a letter to his older sister Eliza, we can get a glimpse into what her life was like when she was about twenty, though it’s important to remember this is through her brother’s eyes. We can also see the close relationship the two of them shared.

In the opening of a letter from November 1832, Alexander mentions Eliza attended the opera in Manhattan. It’s likely she saw "The Italian Girl in Algiers," as that was presented in Manhattan within that timeframe. In the same letter, Alex implores her to “resume your former plan of sending The Standard as often as possible—I shall thus get more news with less trouble to you,” referencing upcoming elections they were both interested in. Toward the end of the letter, he writes “I have thought of making Chocolate for some time, but don’t know how to set to work. I wish you would tell me how you made it last winter as I recollect it was very good.”

From a single letter, we learned Eliza went to the opera, was interested in the ongoing elections, and could make chocolate. While we couldn’t learn this from her own perspective, sometimes we must look everywhere for women’s history—and we get lucky enough to find it!


Where are the portraits?

Mary "Molly" Hamilton,
portrait miniature by
Richard Morell Staigg; 1860.

As a wealthy, affluent family, it’s likely there were multiple portraits and even photographs of all the Hamilton sisters, but, out of all the sisters, there is only one portrait and one photograph of Mary “Molly” Hamilton Schuyler.

The portrait miniature was painted by Richard Morell Staigg in 1860, when Mary was 42. The sole known photograph of Mary was taken at some point in the 1870s based on her hairstyle and dress. While the portrait miniature was painted before her marriage, the photograph was taken after.

Based on when portraits of her husband and children were painted, Eliza Hamilton likely had a portrait miniature of herself painted in 1840 & possibly again in 1850. As photographs of her daughters exist, it’s likely at least one was taken of her as well before her death in 1863.

A photograph was taken of Angelica’s husband in 1859, a year before their marriage. It’s likely she had a photograph taken upon or after their marriage as well. Portraits from her younger years probably existed too, just like that of her older sister, Mary.

As for Frances, or Fanny, it’s likely she at least had a miniature portrait painted of her before her marriage, and was likely painted or photographed after as well, but as there are none of her husband, it’s harder to guess when they would date to.

While we may not be able to put faces to most of the Hamilton sisters, we hope the bits of the letters by and to them have still brought them to life for you.


Next Generation

Eliza Hamitlon married her cousin, George Schuyler, and together they had three children: Philip, Louisa, and Georgina. Louisa and Georgina went on to become activists, following in the footsteps of their mother and their aunt, Mary Hamilton.

Learn more about Louisa’s activism here, Georgina’s work on historic preservation here, and their joint effort to donate family furniture to Schuyler Mansion upon its opening in 1917 here.

Louisa, Georgina, and Philip Schuyler,
circa 1851; artist unidentified. 

Related

Take a look at this blog post about poems Eliza received when she was a young student and learn more about who she received them from.

Check back in the future for more blog posts about the women of Schuyler Mansion.

Saturday, March 18, 2023

"the orphan Antle:" The Story of Fanny Antill

Fanny Antil's gravetone.

    We’re celebrating Women’s History Month by sharing a few stories of women close to the Schuyler family. One of the more unique stories is that of Frances “Fanny” Antill, a young girl adopted by the Hamiltons in 1787.

Fanny was born in 1785 to Charlotte Riverin (1752-1785) and Edward Antill (1742-1789) on Long Island. Edward received his law degree from King’s College (now Columbia University) in 1762, and moved to Quebec shortly thereafter. Her mother was descended from a long line of wealthy merchants from Brittany, who emigrated to Quebec in the 17th century. In 1767, sixteen-year-old Charlotte married Edward Antill, a lawyer ten years her senior. When Quebec City went under siege in 1775, Edward joined the American Army. When he was captured in 1777, Charlotte petitioned to the President of Congress, Henry Laurens (father of John Laurens), to join her husband on Long Island. Once reunited, the couple had two more children. Louisa, who died in infancy, and young Frances. Sadly, Charlotte passed away when Fanny was only four months old. The cause of her death is unknown. By the time Fanny was two years old, Edward Antill was unable to care for her, forcing him to ask an old friend if his family would adopt Fanny.  In 1787, Fanny was taken in by Elizabeth Schuyler and Alexander Hamilton. We see her initially referenced in a letter dated October 2nd from Angelica Schuyler to Hamilton. Angelica wrote “All the graces you have been pleased to adorn me with, fade before the generous and benevolent action of My Sister in taking the orphan Antle [sic] under her protection.” [1]

The decision to take Fanny in was likely due to the fact that Hamilton and Antill had served together at the Battle of Yorktown, each leading regiments under General Moses Hazen. After the war, Antill’s eldest daughter Mary (1771-1834) married Gerrit G. Lansing (1760-1831), who led one of the charges at Yorktown under Hamilton.

When Hamilton became the first Secretary of the Treasury, the family soon joined him in Philadelphia, which acted as the nation’s capital from 1790-1800. According to a memoir written by her brother-in-law, Lewis Tappan, Fanny looked fondly upon her time in Philadelphia. A chapter of the book written by her daughter, Charlotte Tappan (1812-1892), states that:

Mother, at our request, would tell us of her early years. At the age of two, she was left an orphan. Her father, when he was dying, committed her to the care of General and Mrs. Alexander Hamilton. When Gen. Hamilton was Secretary of the Treasury, and Gen. Washington, President of the United States, they lived opposite to each other in Philadelphia, and the children of the two families were together every day. Mrs. Washington took the Custis children, and Angelica Hamilton, and Fanny Antill, (my mother,) in her carriage to dancing-school twice a week. She stayed with them through the lesson and brought them home. ‘Mother remembered Gen. Washington once sitting on a sofa in the room where the children were playing, and laying aside his newspaper, to watch them, and smile and encourage them to continue their frolic.[2]

After the wedding between her eldest sister Mary and Gerrit G. Lansing, the couple was granted their petition to become caretakers of the then 12-year-old Fanny. Charlotte Tappan wrote “From the time mother was twelve years old, until she was married, she resided with her sister, Mrs. Lansing, who, with her husband, filled well the place of the tenderest father and mother to her. They had four children, who were near her own age.”

Fanny met her future husband, Arthur Tappan (1786-1865), in church. He was said to have been captivated by her dark eyes and cheery disposition, and they were married in 1810 at her sister Mary’s house in Oriskany, NY. Charlotte Tappan recalled:

Father liked to tell us of his first meeting mother in church. They sat opposite each other in a square pew. He said he was attracted by her bright black eyes, and cheerful and animated expression. She was naturally bright and cheerful, generous and unselfish. It was her constant aim to make a happy home for her husband and children—a home where friends were ever welcome, and the poor and sorrowful found help and comfort. When father was absent, and there was not any guest to officiate, mother always led in prayer at family worship. [3]

Arthur Tappan became a prominent abolitionist, eventually forming the American Anti-Slavery Society along with William Lloyd Garrison in 1833. Frederick Douglass, Susan B. Anthony, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton were also key members. Tappan was also noted as being involved in the temperance movement, forming a newspaper.  Very little is known about Fanny’s involvement with the Anti-Slavery Society, but she is noted as serving as a member of the Female Bible Society, Female Tract Society, Association for the Relief of Respectable, Aged Indigent Females, and the Asylum for Lying in Women. In addition to all of her charitable work, Fanny had six children, five girls and one boy, to raise as well. She passed away in New Haven, CT at the age of 78.  


[1] “To Alexander Hamilton from Angelica Church, [2 October 1787],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-04-02-0144. [Original source: The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 4, January 1787 – May 1788, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1962, pp. 279–280.]

[2] Tappan, Lewis. The Life of Arthur Tappan. Hurd & Houghton, 1871, pp. 262-263.

[3] “ ” 263

By Ella Webster 

Friday, November 18, 2022

"Remember Thee"


Historians spend a lot of time researching, reading, and looking for anything of historical significance, but sometimes, history finds you. Grouped together with documents and letters regarding Louisa Lee and Georgina Schuyler, was a common place book, a handmade collection of literature and quotes that were important to the creator of the book, that belonged to their mother, Eliza Hamilton Schuyler (1811-1863), the granddaughter of Alexander (~1755-1804) and Elizabeth Schuyler Hamilton (1757-1854). The first few pages of the commonplace book contain a set of four poems. The poems were addressed “To Eliza H.,” and signed with a set of initials, J.L.O., and a first name, Jane.   

Initially, it was unclear who Jane was, but since Eliza was only twelve at the time she received these poems, its likely Jane was a schoolmate. At this time, there were multiple schools in Manhattan that catered to wealthy families such as the Hamiltons. A helpful source from the Merchant’s House Museum about elite schoolsluckily mentions Eliza by name. She attended a school that was run by a wealthy woman named Mary O’Kill (1785-1859), who opened her school at 43 Barclay Street in 1823, and who had a daughter named Jane.  

Birth records show that Jane was born Jane Leigh O’Kill in 1810 to Mary Jay and John O’Kill. This means that when the poems were given to Eliza, Jane was around thirteen or fourteen years old, only about a year older than Eliza. Jane likely attended her mother’s school alongside Eliza and other girls from wealthy families. With the name “Jane” and the initials “J.L.O.,” Jane was certainly the person who gave these poems to Eliza. 


The first poem in the packet, dated July 23, 1824, is titled “To Eliza H,”and is included below. 


Remember thee! Yes, in my heart thou ‘rt enshrin’d, 
Enthron’d in its inmost recefs I have set thee, 
Thy virtues, thy genius, thy pure lofty mind, 
Must live in my thoughts, I can never forget thee. 

                                         2nd 

Still, still, the bright glance of thy soul beaming eye, 
Will illumine the thoughts which thy genius enlighten’d 
To those deep tender tones, I still seem to reply, 
Still dwell on that smile which my sadnefs has brighten’d. 

                                         3rd 

Remember thee? Yes, while remembrance remains, 
While life warms my heart, I can never forget thee; 
While this bosom one trace of affection retains, 
I still must remember and will never forget thee 


This poem appeared in Volume 1 of the Ladies Literary Cabinet in 1819, which can be found here. The recipient of the poem is not revealed in the magazine, but the author is listed as “Harriet.” Jane likely thought of Eliza when she read this poem, so she copied it down to give to her. It’s possible that the girls were facing a time of separation, perhaps a break from school, and Jane copied it for Eliza, even making a few changes of her own. The poem may have served as a comfort for Eliza to remind her of their affection for one another, even while they were apart. 


The poem contains strong themes of love and remembrance. Words like “enshrin’d” and “enthron’d,” and repeated lines about remembrance exude a sense of mourning and reflect common mourning language of the early 19th century. While typically associated with death, this could be seen as mourning a temporary separation, which will be seen again in “Forget me Not.” 


More so than mourning, this is a poem about love. Throughout the poem, the writer uses language clearly associated with love or deep affection. Jane even went so far as to change the final line of the poem to more specifically express her own feelings. The original line reads “I still must remember, and still must regret thee, while Jane wrote “I still must remember and will never forget thee.” This conveys far different emotions than the original version. 


This imagery continues in the final poem in the packet, “Forget me Not.” This poem appeared in Volume 1 of Saturday Night in 1824, which can be found here. In the publication, the poem was addressed to “W. B.” and signed “Charlotte.”

There is a flower that oft unheeded grows
 
Amid the splendour of the summer’s ray,  And though this simple flower no sweets disclose,  Yet it will tell thee all I wish to say.  And when we’re parted by the foaming sea,  And thou art carelefs what may be my lot;  I’ll send this flower a mefsenger to thee,  And it shall gently whisper thus--                                                                                      Forget me not  The first poem seems to tell Eliza that Jane will not forget her, but with this poem, she asks Eliza to remember her as well. Just as it does today, in the 19th century the forget-me-not flower had connotations of love and mourning. The flower seems to represent a mourning of the severance of their bond in anticipation of their separation. It is possible Jane included a pressed flower with this poem, as was common at the time, because she specifically referenced “this flower,” as opposed to the original line in the poem in Saturday Night which says “that flower.” 


This poem is short, but the author was still able to convey a sense of deep longing through only a few lines. It begins by describing the flower in the first half of the poem as unremarkable, but with great meaning. In the second half, the poet expresses worry that the recipient will lose affection for her while they are separated. It is possible that Jane was having these same fears about Eliza and gave her the packet of poems to ensure her feelings would not be forgotten. 

Based on papers and correspondences from later in Eliza’s life, her friendship with Jane did not seem to last into adulthood. There are many letters, mostly dating from the 1830s-1860s, between Eliza and her childhood friends that survive, but there are none, save for the four poems, from Jane. Jane and her family are never mentioned in any letters in Schuyler Mansion’s collection, not even by Eliza’s siblings or friends, who often gave her the latest on their friends and acquaintances when she was out-of-town. Eliza eventually married her first cousin once-removed, George Lee Schuyler (1811-1890), in 1835. The couple had three children together, Philip, Louisa Lee, and Georgina. Eliza died in 1863, when she was only fifty-two years old.     


Jane herself was married on August 11, 1836, to John Swift, at Trinity Church in Manhattan. Trinity Church was attended by many of Manhattan’s famous politicians and the wealthiest members of society. Her marriage in the church marks her place among the elite. She was widowed in 1850 at the age of forty and took over the school upon her mother’s death in 1859. As of 1861, she was still noted as teaching at the school.     


Today, many people take for granted how easy it is to keep in contact with friends due to the prevalence of social media. For Jane and Eliza, exchanging letters, living in close proximity to one another, and moving in the same social circles were the main way of keeping in-touch. While Jane and Eliza seemed to lose touch as adults, at one point during their childhood, they had a very close relationship. Even though the girls did not keep in contact as adults, Eliza placed the four poems Jane gave her in her commonplace book and kept them until her death. 


(Below are the other two poems Jane gave to Eliza for you to enjoy!)  


                A Night on the Alps 

                      __________ 

Come golden Evening! __ In the west 
Enthrone the storm dispelling sun, 
And let the triple rainbow rest 
O’er all the mountain tops; __ ‘tis done; 
The tempest ceases; bold and bright 
The rainbow shoots from hill to hill; 
Down sinks the sun; on prefses night; 
__ Mont Blanc is lovely still! 

                     ____________ 

  There take thy stand, my spirit; __ spread 
The world of shadows at thy feet; 
And mark how calmly over head, 
The stars, like saints in glory meet; 
__ While, hid in solitude sublime, 
Methinks I muse on Nature’s tomb, 
And hear the pafsing foot of Time 
Step thro’ the silent gloom! 

 

             For a Turquoise Ring. 

Pure blue the Persian Turquoise shows, 
Thus in its native land it throws 
A light no other gem has given, 
A light so near resembling heaven, 
An anchorite would turn to blefs 
Its beauty in the wildernefs! 

Born for one land, no other soil 
Gives such reward to human toil; 
Golconda’s splendors blaze in vain, 
Nor dare the furnace heat sustain; 
The topaz dims its mellow light, 
The hand of art must make it bright. 



by Jessie Serfilippi and Kiera Fitzsimmons