Philip Schuyler, the Albany Avenger

It’s that time of year again, when we post our annual April Fools article. In past years, every effort has been made to make these seem strange stories that like they really shouldn’t be true, but where everything seems to line up in a believable enough way. As much fun as that is, it can cause problems from time to time, such as when one reader prepared Philip Schuyler’s “recipe” for bacon-wrapped eels on the grill- a reference that we made up (at least they were tasty!) This year we’ve decided to take a subtly different tack:

The following is not history. At all. Occasionally we may include a historical name or date, but any similarity to any persons living, dead, or undead, is either accidental or used fictitiously to provide a veneer of authenticity so thin it could be marred with a sneeze. So without further delay, allow us to present Philip Schuyler, the Albany Avenger.

The year was 1781. The stakes? Nothing less than the independence of the United States of America. British forces in North America were reeling from a series of key losses, including Cornwallis’s dramatic surrender at Yorktown, and from dwindling support on the home front. Desperate for a stunning victory that would secure their military position in the colonies and inspire political confidence in Britain, top-ranking Crown officers gathered to discuss the seemingly preposterous plan put forward by junior officer and part-time scientist, Lt. Johnathan Hammond of the 42^nd Royal Highland regiment, recently returned to England from duty in the Caribbean. Hammond’s proposal was simple-

Dinosaurs.

A 1780 image of dinosaurs being measured and fitted for armor in London.

Admittedly, this was nothing new at that time. The military application of dinosaurs in Europe began with the French in the early 18th century. Prior to their deployment at the Battle of Parc Jurassique in 1711, dinosaurs were a closely kept secret of the French military, but when a thundering herd of enraged ankylosaurs smashed through the Duke of Marlborough’s lines, Britain had quickly begun development of their own saurian military force. By 1775, Britain had deployed dinosaurs in every one of their European conflicts since 1735, as well as against Jacobite forces and Irish revolutionaries closer to home. The pride of British dinodom was William, a 42-foot, 13.5 metric ton Tyrannosaurus Rex known for his brash confidence and dislike of protocol and authority, but who could be relied on to, “get the job done…”.

That this T-Rex would prove a valuable military asset in North America was beyond doubt, but one fact remained that made Hammond’s proposal seem outlandish: no European power had thus far successfully transported a dinosaur across the Atlantic.  Lt. Hammond was confident that it could be done, however, and offered to rapidly design and construct a ship capable of transporting William the T-Rex from Cornwall to New York, a promise he astonishingly made good on. On April 1^st, 1782,two-hundred and forty one years ago today, Hammond’s vessel, HMS Ingenuity dropped anchor in the harbor of New York City with William safely aboard. The cost of transportation had been staggering. For sustenance William had consumed a total of 112 head of cattle and 45 tunns of rum (11,340 gallons) on the voyage, while four sailors spent the entire crossing earning special duty pay to ensure the removal of his waste in a timely fashion.

Actor Jeff Goldblum (best known for his roles
in movies such as The Fly (1986) and Cats and Dogs (2001))
as Dr. Johnathan Malcom in the 1993 film In-Dino-Pendance Day.
While panned for its inaccurate costuming, the film
offers a gripping retelling of the 1782 Battle of Fishkill.

The cost was worth it, however, when William stomped ashore. One local citizen, Dr. John Malcom,
described the sight of the gigantic creature making its way through the city in a letter to a friend, saying “It was by far the most marvelous and terrifying sight I have ever beheld, a monstrous lizard some forty feet in length. Everyone watched in horrified awe as it passed, anxiously exposing themselves to its gaze, out of trepidation that such a marvel should pass so close to their lives and them not to see it.” The crowds were so dense that Malcom’s wife, Sarah, was unable to see William through the masses. According to Dr. Malcom, “many were too preoccupied with the question of how they might get a closer view that none thought to question whether they ought to. My wife being amongst these, was dissatisfied with her vantage point, and resolved to get closer. The crowd was so numerous that this seemed impossible, but as is ever the case, [my] wife found a way…”

Six days later, Continental forces near Fishkill were awakened at dawn by the thunderous roar of a creature most had never imagined existing, much less anticipated facing in battle. Fitted with armor made up of interlocking plates and chainmail, William tore through their defenses, devouring all in his path. Musket fire was virtually useless against William, and even field artillery was ill equipped to handle the speed with which this King of the Late Cretaceous rampaged across the battlefield. Only cavalry had the mobility necessary to match him. While their weaponry was unable to pose significant threat to William’s armored bulk, a small unit of riders under the command of Captain Enoch Otiss managed to draw the attention of the dinosaur long enough for their comrades to organize a tactical withdrawal. With British troops advancing, things looked grim for the Continental forces.

Enter Philip Schuyler. While he no longer held a commission in the Continental Army, the former Major General was still very much an active participant in the conflict. Schuyler had an expansive roster of contacts and spies throughout New York. In fact, he had been tracking the Ingenuity’s progress from England, and had been made aware of William’s presence in North America several days before the attack at Fishkill! On April 3^rd, 1782, Schuyler received a message from an as-yet unidentified “D. Nedry of Lansingburgh” that read simply:

Hgrubgnisnal ,yrden D

,yllaicnanif sryY.

daer si regneva ynabla eht yarp i. Emoc sah mailliw. Deraef ew sa si ti,

Lareneg raed

Despite being apparent gibberish, the message was actually an encoded warning! According to Schuyler Mansion Historic Site Assistant Ian Mumpton, “Nedry ensured the secrecy of his warning by employing what is known as a non-substitutive, mono-alphabetic reversion cipher, also known as ‘writing it backwards’. This type of encryption, really, if were to ask me, was very bad.”

Through careful examination in a mirror, it was determined that Nedry’s message to Schuyler was as follows:

Dear General,

It is as we feared. William has come. I pray the Albany Avenger is ready.

Yrs. Financially,
D. Nedry, Lansingburgh.

Schuyler had long known that conventional military resources would be ineffective against militarily trained and equipped dinosaurs. While most of the Revolutionary leadership dismissed the possibility that Britain would be able to transport saurian shock troops across the Atlantic, Schuyler’s concerns were shared by Dr. Benjamin Franklin and Tadeusz Kościuszko, a Polish engineer and officer serving in the Continental Army. As early as 1777, the three had begun plans for what Nedry referred to in his letter as “The Albany Avenger”.

A contemporary depiction of the Albany Avenger under construction,
by Albany artist FaeganMorheart.

‘What was the Albany Avenger?’ you might ask (as well you should). Built of woven ash-wood and willow around an articulated iron frame by a team of 200 Albany laborers (under the careful supervision of General Kościuszko), and powered by Franklin’s research on the application of electrical energy, the Albany Avenger stood 40 feet tall, “Like in form to a man, but of much Greater Scale, and its strength proportionate- the very thing to drive the great Lizard of London from our fair and abundant shores!”  According to Schuyler, “It is the protector of the Hudson now, but when it has been the instrument of our National Liberty and salvation, it shall be known as the Colossus of America!” Philip Schuyler’s contribution to the effort, beyond offsetting the monumental financial resources needed, was one which would guarantee his place in the halls of “history” for all time. The former Major General volunteered himself as the pilot of this incredible 18^th century combat exoskeleton.

And so, on morning of April 7^th, 1782, the stage was set for the ultimate showdown between William, the largest Tyrannosaurus Rex in the service of His Majesty, King George III of England, and Philip Schuyler, aka The Albany Avenger. Much has been written about that fateful battle, and it would be repetitive to describe it in detail here. We all know that Schuyler emerged victorious; we have all heard the legends of the bees and the apples, and of the noble sacrifice of Jim Adams (who, if not for his role at Fishkill, would be the least famous of the three Adamses of the Revolution). But the story known to far fewer, is what happened to Lt. Hammond and William after their defeat.

According to recent research made up by Schuyler Mansion staff, when the British government decided, after careful consideration, not to endorse another saurian expedition to North America, Lt. Hammond resigned his commission in frustration and disgrace. Returning to the Caribbean, he joined with other investors investing in amber mines. William, incensed by the treatment of his friend, similarly resigned, devouring two generals in the process. He attempted to make a name for himself in the world of pugilism. Sadly, though he reigned uncontested in rural “all in” matches, his lack of reach hindered his success in formal fights, and William retired to live with his sister Susan in Liverpool in 1789.

An undated depiction of William facing off against British bareknuckle champion Tom Johnson.

Notes From the Northern Department: The Battles of Saratoga

By Andrew Bertorelli

On September 19, 1777, at approximately 12:30 pm, the opening volleys of the first Battle of Saratoga crackled across the field at Freeman's Farm, in what is today northern Stillwater and southern Saratoga, NY. In what may be considered a typical confrontation between the two forces by this stage in the war, the first battle lasted three hours, ending with neither side able to claim a decisive victory.

 

The Battlefield at Saratoga as it appears today.

Major General Horatio Gates, as painted by Gilbert Stuart

The site was chosen by General Horatio Gates, a political and military rival of Philip Schuyler and the man who replaced him as the commander of the Northern Department in August, and who had become a major proponent of Schuyler’s dismissal from his post as commander after the loss of Fort Ticonderoga. Gates’ army was accompanied by troops commanded by Major General Benjamin Lincoln, as well as a group of sharpshooters from the new Provisional Rifle Corps, commanded by Colonel Daniel Morgan. Gates was also joined by forces under the aggressive young general, Benedict Arnold, who had just returned from his encounter with the western pincer of the British forces at Fort Stanwix. Although the developed an early rapport, Arnold had infuriated Gates with his friendly relationship with Philip Schuyler and by bringing several of Schuyler’s former officers onto his staff.

Major General John Burgoyne,
as painted by Joshua Reynolds

Morgan’s rifle company engaged Burgoyne’s right flank, which was a combination of British regulars, light infantry, and grenadiers commanded by Fraser. Units such as the light infantry and grenadiers in Fraser’s force surely would have considered themselves a cut above the rest as compared to the regular regiments and militias of the 18^th century. Light infantry units derived their classification from the fact that they were highly mobile units, able to move fast from one position to another after their highly-trained men fire aimed shots. This strategic agility would allow them to consistently be just beyond the reach of the enemy’s fire, as well as allowing the commanding general to hastily place them on the battlefield and quickly adjust their position however he saw fit. For their increased usefulness to their commander and their high level of training, light infantrymen were often regarded as having slightly more status than a regular infantryman.

An artistic depiction of British Grenadiers

Unlike their fast and mobile comrades, grenadier regiments were the heavy hitters of an 18^th century battlefield. Grenadier units would specially select recruits who were taller and stronger than most, and would then give them arduous training to instill extreme discipline, making them less likely to rout in battle. Furthermore, grenadiers’ regimental uniforms were easy to tell apart from regular units because of the upturned miter caps, later replaced by bearskin miters, they wore into combat. These hats had initially helped the men in grenadier regiments to hurl their small bombs, or hand grenades (from whence they derive their name), overhand without hitting their arms on the brim of their hats and thus knocking them off. Grenadiers would often enjoy extra pay, and of course elevated status among their peers. At Saratoga, Burgoyne had tasked these men with trekking through the heavily wooded high ground northwest of the center-field and thus forcing the American left flank to turn and fight them, diverting some American fire away from Burgoyne’s center line. This maneuver, however was anticipated by General Arnold and he was granted a reconnaissance-in-force, consisting of Morgan’s rifle company and a Continental light infantry unit.

A detail cut-away of a rifled barrel.

The distinction between an early muzzle-loaded rifle, as used by Morgan’s men, and the typical Brown Bess smooth bore musket used by regular troops during the war is important to note. The rifling grooves forged into the barrel by the gunsmiths had originally come to North America with German immigrants settling the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Kentucky. Initially intended to ease the long, methodical process of cleaning a black powder gun, shooters and hunters quickly realized that guns with spiraled grooves running the length of the inside bore of the gun’s barrel would improve effective range and accuracy of the weapon. Today we know this accuracy is due to the gyroscopic stability achieved by a spinning ball in flight, such as with footballs. This difference in equipment between the American and British forces on the northwestern flank of the battle lines would allow Morgan to intentionally place skilled marksmen and their accurate rifles in positions enabling them to shoot the British officers whilst commanding their troops. However, Morgan’s men quickly found themselves fighting the bulk of Burgoyne’s main army which had come to reinforce Fraser and his men.

The Continental Army at this initial battle on September 19^th was numerically superior, having roughly a quarter more troops than the British. Nevertheless, the Americans were still be beaten back by aggressive British and German flanking movements under the command of Gen. Fraser and the Baron Von Riedesel, respectively.  As darkness set in, the hostilities gave way to a lull in the battle, bringing an inconclusive end to the day. While the British succeeded in holding the field, they remained outnumbered by the Continental Army who, though battered, remained intact. The battle on the first day cost the Continental Army about 300 casualties, while the British suffered approximately 460. The resulting damage to crops and buildings was also quite considerable.

After the battle, the two armies proceeded to encamp within a few miles of each other, both awaiting reinforcements and supplies. While the British army remained static in number and experienced a diminishment of supplies, militiamen and supplies continued to pour into the American camp, including critical increases in ammunition, which had been severely depleted. During this lull in the fighting, the relationship between Arnold and Gates became even more strained. The situation came to a boiling point with a yelling match between the two men, which ultimately led General Gates to relieve Arnold of his command in favor of Lincoln, transferring Arnold to Washington’s army.

An artistic depiction of Fraser's death.

On October 7^th, 1777 hostilities were reignited as Burgoyne ordered another movement on the American left flank, this time with Grenadiers, the 24^th regiment of foot (British regulars capable of acting as both line troops and light infantry), and ten cannon. The men would march almost a mile into what was a wheat field overlooking Mill Brook, a good vantage point to be sure. Gates commanded Morgan’s riflemen, General Poor, and General Learner’s forces to meet the British in what would become the decisive victory of the two-and-a-half-week battle. The British Grenadiers gave ineffective fire to Gen. Poor’s men, before charging with fixed bayonets. As soon as the British were in range, Poor gave the order to fire with devastating effect, leading to a full rout by the Grenadiers. Meanwhile, Morgan’s rifles were engaged in heavy fighting with the British Canadians and Native Auxiliary forces, routing them before engaging Fraser’s main force of regulars. At a critical moment in the fighting, Fraser was shot from his horse by a long-range shot from one of Morgan’s riflemen with what would prove to be a mortal wound.

A contemporary depiction of Burgoyne's encampment following the second engagement at Saratoga.
General Fraser's funeral procession is depicted marching across the face of the second-to-rightmost hill.

Abraham Ten Broeck. The arrival of his New York troops
sealed the American victory at Saratoga.

The death of Gen. Fraser was followed by the arrival of a massive force of New York Militiamen led by Abraham Ten Broeck, forcing the British to fall back to their defensive lines en-masse. Ten Broeck, the Brigadier General leading the militia, was a lifelong friend of Philip Schuyle. Both had grown up in Albany close in age, and shared the privilege of being born into wealthy Dutch families in the New York Province. His arrival on this battlefield with a force of militiamen equal in size to that of the entire British expeditionary force must have truly solidified the realization of defeat in the British troops as they fled.

The famous "Unnamed Boot" monument at
Saratoga National Battlefield Park
honors Benedict Arnold's role in the battle.
His name is left off however, due to
his infamous later betrayal.

Burgoyne would ultimately lose over 400 men on this day and six of the ten artillery pieces sent with the Grenadiers. Following the break of the British line, Gen. Arnold left the camp and took command of Gen. Poor’s men who were in pursuit of the fleeing British. Arnold led an attack on one of the British redoubts, but when the attack stalled he quickly rode through the lines to take charge of Gen. Learned’s men in an attack on the second British redoubt. The capture of the second redoubt provided a gap in the British camp’s defenses, allowing the Americans to pour in and completely break the British force. Arnold himself, however was shot from his horse during this daring charge; the resulting injury to his leg, from both the shot and the force of the horse falling onto it, led to a long and painful recovery for the General.

Burgoyne’s remaining men retreated roughly ten miles to what is modern day Schuylerville, New York. He had lost approximately a thousand men during the two battles, and by October 13^th, he and his men were completely surrounded and outnumbered three to one. On October 17^th, he surrendered to Gates. This was not only an American victory in military terms, but also political. By defeating Burgoyne in open combat, Gates had shown the world that the American colonists had a real chance of winning the fight against the British on their own, bolstering the newly solidified French support for the Patriot’s cause in earnest. In addition to support in North America, the French would bring the war with Britain onto the global stage, forcing the British to divert attention away from the colonies.

The Surrender of General Burgoyne, by John Trumbull, 1821. Key figures include General Burgoyne presenting his sword to Horatio Gates in center, Daniel Morgan in white the left near the cannon, and Philip Schuyler in civilian clothing just behind the cannon wheel. A full key to the figures can be found here.

 The Saratoga battlefield is today preserved through the National Parks Service, and is available for visitation. Click here to learn more. We're nearly at the end of our regular tour season, so stay tuned for more articles over the late-Fall and Winter months. You can find other information on the Revolutionary War in Northern New York with our "Notes From the Northern Department" series. Check out our other series as well to learn about the Women of Schuyler Mansion, artifacts in our collections, slavery and the lives of the people enslaved at the house, ongoing restoration, and much more.

Profiles of the Northern Department: Dr. Samuel Stringer

by Ian Mumpton

Dr. Samuel Stringer by Ezra Ames

On July 2nd, 1775, Dr. Samuel Stringer wrote to Philip Schuyler from Albany to congratulate him on his recent appointment to the rank of Major General and commander of the Northern Department. As a physician, he also made reference to Philip’s chronically poor health:

…permit me to offer you, among your Welwishers[sic], my most hearty Congratulations on your Appointment, and to assure I am… rejoiced to find you called ypon[sic] by your Congress to fill the important Post of a General in the American Army, in whose abilities, your Country will undoubtably[sic] place the greatest Confidence. I wish I could say so much for your Constitution, and that it may equal to the arduorus[sic] Task you have to engage, is my sincere prayer.

Shortly after this letter was sent, Schuyler approached Stringer about applying his medical services to the support of the Northern Department, a position confirmed by the Continental Congress on September 14th of that year:

• Resolved, That Samuel Stringer, esq; be appointed director of the hospital and chief physician and surgeon for the army in the Northern Department.
• That the pay of the said Samuel Stringer, as director, physician and surgeon, be four dollars per day.
• That he be authorized and have power to appoint a number of surgeons mates under him not exceeding four.
• That the pay of said mates be two thirds of a dollar per day.
• That the number be not kept in constant pay, unless the sick and wounded be so numerous as to require the constant attendance of four, and to be diminished as circumstances will admit, for which reason the pay is fixed by the day, that they may only receive pay for actual service.
• That the deputy commissary general be directed to pay Dr. Stringer for the medicines he has purchased for the use of the army, and that he purchase and forward such other medicines as General Schuyler shall, by his warrant, direct, for the use of the said army.

Stringer was a Marylander by birth, but had received his medical education in Philadelphia. Like Philip, Stringer had been involved in the French and Indian war - in Stringer’s case as a surgeon – and in the years leading up to the Revolutionary War, became a member of the Albany Committee of Correspondence. His connection to the Schuylers was also professional, tending to the medical needs of the family as one of the most prominent physicians in Albany. His appointment to the position of chief medical officer for the Northern Department was official recognition of a role he had already been performing since August. Problematically however, the wording of the resolution failed to explicitly denote his place in the chain of command relative to Dr. John Morgan, who already held the title of chief physician and head of the General Hospital of the Continental Army. This led to repeated clashes between the two men and their associates.

One of Stringer’s first and most pressing concerns was acquiring the actual medicine needed to care for the sick and wounded soldiers of the army. In the Summer of 1775, the future availability of medicine was uncertain. Stocks were high in cities like Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, but the specter of shortages loomed ever larger as the war progressed and regular shipments from England slowed to a trickle. Even before his official appointment, Stringer had been purchasing drugs for the army; purchases for which he was to be compensated by order of the Congress. Once acquired, Stringer also saw to the dispersal of the department’s medicinal supply to the various units of the army. On November 16th of 1775, he wrote to Schuyler to inform him that medicine was being sent to supply Revolutionary troops participating in the invasion of Canada:

Mr. Wimple & Mr. Williams are now packing up Medicines viz: will go off according to your Order, as soon as possible, with whom I shall send two thirds of all our Stock.

While medicine is an obvious concern to a medical officer, Stringer was also tasked with establishing the infrastructure and bureaucratic systems needed to keep the Northern Department Hospital corps effective. This included sourcing and acquiring the supplies needed to feed, clothe, and house the sick and injured. Many of his letters to Schuyler immediately after Stringer’s appointment deal with the minutia of constructing adequate shelter to provide for those in the care of the hospital. On October 6th, Stringer wrote from Fort George to report that:

…the want of Carpenters, Boards, Masons and Carpenters tools, will occasion such a delay, that I fear I shall be overpowered with Numbers before I can be in a situation to dispose of them—I shall have two Waggons[sic] Loads of Boards over to day, when I hope to have the last side of the wooden Barrick[sic] closed, which was entirely open—Mr. Yates tells me he has Tools for no more than four Carpenters… He is chiefly in want of Handsaws, and hammers…

With the impending winter, Stringer was also concerned with the abysmal state of the fireplaces at the fort.

The Iron which supported the Arches of the Chimneys having been all taken away, the Arches have fallen, & the Chimnies[sic] open to near the upper floor; the Backs are also burnt thro’, of each, & no bricks to repair either defect, nor Iron to replace what has been robed[sic] from the Arches, or to make a Grate under the large kettle.

Four days later he reiterated the request for masons and tools, as well as ever-in-demand medical supplies:

If there is such a thing as a mason to be spared from your Garrison, and Tools for him, beg you would order him (or more than one) over; otherwise the Sick will enevitably [sic] suffer much from the Cold… also a [book] or two of White Cartridge Paper for wraping[sic] medicines—I sent for Wraping[sic] Paper,  they have sent me the blue kind, that will not bare[sic] ink; & it will be necessary that every Mans Medicines are distinguished as they are made up, by his names on each, & directions.

Equally pressing, to Stringer’s mind, was the lack of support staff that he had to work with. The assistance of only four “as needed” mates in addition to himself left the hospital corps woefully understaffed, as Stringer well knew from his military experience in the French and Indian war. Moreover, recruiting capable medical officers at the poor rate of two thirds of a dollar for every day of service was proving nigh on impossible. Stringer wrote to Schuyler on this topic in several letters, laying out his recommendations at length on the 25th of October:

Sir…in my last [letter]…I took the liberty to point out a material deficiency of officers who are indispensably necessary in that Department, Viz: Senior Surgeons & Apothecaries; a Clerk & Steward… Two Seniors & Four mates (exclusive of myself) are as small a Hospital as the Army under your Command should take the Field with; & should there be an engagement, it would scarcely be sufficient---In the Resolution of Congress, I am limited to four mates only; I suppose the necessity for more ever so great, I cannot employ them; & even those four are to be dissatisfied [ie: discharged], and the numbers of Sick & Wounded decrease so as not to require the attendance of the whole; founded probably on the supposition that the Hospital was to be confined to Albany, where mates of an inferior class might be more readily procured in an emergency; for no Gentleman of Merit would on such Conditions enter into the Service--- We had Supernumerary Mates in the Kings Hospital during the late[sic?] War, but they were for the most part continued… because they were capable Mates, and already acquainted with the Hospital Service… I must further add, that the Pay being so small, will not be an encouragement for Gentlemen qualified to go out in the Service, & unless they can support themselves as such, they certainly will not enter into it.

In addition to these difficulties, Stringer repeatedly clashed with officers of the Northern Department and other branches. The Northern Department was frequently the cockpit for bitter disputes over the chain of command. Philip Schuyler and Horatio Gates battled for command with each other as Continental and Militia forces squabbled over levels of authority, civilian and military bodies parsed out their spheres of responsibility, and officers wrangled at length over seniority of commissions. On the 7th of November, Stringer wrote to Schuyler to air his complaints about the officers at Fort George.

Dear General!However loth[sic] I am to trouble you with Complaints (ever disagreeable) yet my Duty compels me to it, or the Hospital must great suffer, & myself be treated with Insults that I cannot possibly bear—I cannot say the Sick have been sufficiently supplied with Fuel since I returned from the other side of the Lake… [owing to the] Wood not being cut, and at other times, a neglect in detaining the Waggons[sic]… which I informed the Col: of…  His answer was, that I should give my Orders to the Officer of the Day… & HE would see they were executed. [I] wrote & sent [the Officer of the Day] as follows, “The Officer of the Day will be pleased to furnish a Party to cut Wood for use of the Hosp. and that he will please to see that the Hospital Guard remain at the Guard-Room”…The next morning I understood that the Col:, in presence of Lieut. Brazier… had expressed great displeasure at my presuming to give Orders, saying that my Orders were not to be obeyed—[I] let him know (very civily) what I had heard; upon which he showed great warmth, & repeated that I had no right to give Orders. I told him that it was what he himself had desired of me the evening before… He (with heat) denied it… I had the impudence enough to affront that what I said was true, & confirmed it with an Oath—He immediately desired me (with an air of importance) not to swear there… I replied that I thought myself at Liberty to swear there, & should do it—

Dr. John Morgan by Angelica Kauffman

The bigger dispute came, however, in Stringer’s clash with the Director of the General Hospital, James Morgan. Morgan was another prominent, Philadelphia-trained physician serving with the Revolutionary forces. His position was intended by Congress to supervise the General Hospital and other departmental hospitals. This meant that he understood that Stringer, as head of the Northern Department Hospital, would report to him and pass requests for supplies through the General Hospital. Stringer disagreed, citing that his position had been created a month before Morgan’s, and that nothing in the resolution appointing him to his position indicated that he was answerable to Morgan. Morgan himself seems to have been uncertain of how to address the situation, telling Stringer, “It has never been announced to me in what light I am to consider you.”

Stringer’s frustration grew when Congress confirmed the superior status of Morgan’s authority on July 17th, 1776, delineating Stringer’s authority “in the Northern Department only”. When their conflict continued, with Stringer asserting that Morgan was withholding key medicinal supplies, Congress finally resolved to divest themselves of both parties, dismissing both Stringer and Morgan without warning on January 9th, 1777. Philip Schuyler, frustrated and surprised by the dismissal of someone whom he considered a trusted officer and ally, and feeling the breath of a New England faction desirous of seeing Horatio Gates in command of the Northern Department on his neck, wrote a passionate letter to Congress. All he received in reply was a sternly worded censure.

Stringer’s dismissal was not the end of his and Schuyler’s association. He continued to provide expert medical care to the family, as he had even during his time with the Northern Department. In the 1790’s he would develop an early form of oxygen machine (based on English patterns developed by Joseph Priestley) for Philip’s use. A year younger than Philip, he outlived his general by thirteen years, dying at the age of 83 on July 11th, 1817.

Moses Hazen; A Profile of One of Schuyler’s Military Contacts

by Danielle Funiciello

"Defending Quebec from an American Attack, December 1775"
The Quebec Campaign was one of Schuyler's first commands after receiving his commission.

On September 6^th, 1775, Philip Schuyler arrived outside of “St Johns” (Sainte-Jean-sur-Richelieu – henceforth St. Jean, except in quotes), outside of Montreal. There he encamped and prepared his troops for a thrust into St. Jean that was part of the two pronged attack now known as the Invasion of Quebec. With Schuyler’s predilection for espionage, he was not going to go in blind, and sought information; he wished, of course, to know the size and condition of the British military at St. Jean, but also hoped to find Canadians sympathetic to the American cause. Within the day, Philip Schuyler received that information without even seeking it out. As he wrote to George Washington:

“In the Evening a Gentleman Mr [word  mutilated by Washington] whose Name I can only mention to Your Excellency, not having even ventured it to the Congress & therefore beg You to eraze the Scored Part of the Letter after Perusal came to me & gave me the following account,” September 20^th 1775  (the scored part refers to the words in italics - Washington only crossed out Hazen's name, rather than the scored instructions) 

Who was this mysterious gentleman? Why might not Schuyler have been keen to share his source with Congress? And what was the source’s motivation for bringing Schuyler information? The answers tell the story of a sometimes dark, opportunistic and intriguing character in the American Revolution.

Through later records, the name scratched out by Washington per Schuyler's instruction in this letter is identified as Moses Hazen, a former British soldier who had fought in the French and Indian War and purchased property and retired in St. Jean just before the outbreak of the Revolution. He was only a few month older than Schuyler and joined the military within a year of Schuyler’s commission. The two men’s French and Indian War career paths began similarly and gave them a number of opportunities to have met prior to this night in 1775. Schuyler had a handful of operatives available in the Montreal area, so the fact that he trusted Hazen’s intel rather than, or in addition to, seeking out other sources may have been indicative of a previous connection that led Schuyler to trust him. 

It is likely that Hazen was the same “Canadian,who twelve days ago left St Johns” who Schuyler collected information from earlier that year, just after his arrival at Fort Ticonderoga. That letter of July 18^th echoes that of September 20^th in another way – Schuyler warns Washington  “this, my dear General, as well as what follows in this paragraph I pray may be entre nous [between us] for reasons I need not suggest”.

The fact that Schuyler was hesitant to bandy the name Hazen about Congress may be further evidence that Schuyler was at least familiar with Hazen’s reputation – Hazen’s military past was, at best, morally ambiguous.

An 1812 political cartoon showing British officers paying for
American scalps. Though the cartoon implies otherwise, this
was practiced by Americans as well. During the French and Indian
War(1754-63) both sides used scalp taking as a demoralizing fear tactic.

General Jeffery Amherst, 1st Baronet; disproved
of Hazen's attack on Acadian women and children
during the French and Indian War. He also authorized
the use of smallpox blankets as biological warfare
against entire tribes of Native Americans.

During the French and Indian War, Hazen had served under Captain John McCurdy, in a company under Roger’s Rangers. When McCurdy was killed in 1759, Hazen was promoted to command the unit. Under Hazen, the unit was known for their participation in raids - burning hundreds of Acadian (French) homes - and engaging in other scare tactics like scalping, a brutal practice adopted by Europeans and Native Americans alike on both sides of the conflict. A raid of Sainte Anne during the St. Jean River Campaign sticks out as a particular mark on Hazen’s defendable reputation, during which Hazen’s men captured Josef Godin-Beaufontaine and his Acadian militia. Hazen took 6 scalps, 23 prisoners and, in trying to goad Godin-Beaufontaine into signing an oath of allegiance, the lives of Godin-Beaufontaine’s daughter and three of his grandchildren. Some versions of the story have Hazen burning the women and children in their home, along with four members of the militia. Hearing news of the new Captain’s actions during the raid on Sainte Anne, General Jeffery Amherst condemned Hazen saying “that affair has sullied his merit with me” – this is the same General Amherst who ordered blankets from smallpox wards to be sent among the Native tribes. Before settling down in St. Jean, Hazen was also accused of involvement in the scalping of a priest and thirty parishioners, and of having an affair with the wife of one Joseph Kelly. Kelly further claimed that Hazen had him imprisoned with a false charge to avoid the issue of the affair. To top off his apparent untrustworthiness, Hazen had also reported on the first skirmishes of the Revolution to British General Carleton during the early months of 1775 and had been authorized to form a British unit, though he declined to do so.

We do not know if Schuyler was aware of these actions, but either based on a previous association with Hazen, or some other instinct, Schuyler chose to trust Hazen’s military intelligence and passed the following information to Washington:

“That there were then at St Johns about 100 Indians & that there was a considerable Body with Colo: Johnson; That the Fortifications were compleat [sic] & strong & plentifully furnished with Cannon; […] That he does not believe that our Army will be joined by one Canadian; […] That in the Situation we were in he judged it would be imprudent to attack St Johns and advised Us to send some Parties amongst the Inhabitants & the Remainder of the Army to retire to the Isle-au-Noix, from whence we might have an Intercourse with La Praire”

The original plan of attack of Montreal through
St. Jean, shown in blue. This plan allowed Schuyler
to use bateaux he had built at Ticonderoga to move
troops and supplies up the Richelieu River. The
alternate approach, suggested by unaligned Hazen
is shown in green. After taking Montreal, Schuyler
was to join in an attack from the south on Quebec.
 Benedict Arnold led troops through Maine to
attack Quebec from the North.

This bleak report was a blow to Schuyler, who had been hopeful that his surge into Canada would be met with enthusiasm from Canadians. He had believed that militias from St. Jean, sympathetic to the Revolutionary cause, would join him for the push into Montreal and through to Quebec and that the Natives would remain neutral. This information may have been particularly disheartening in contrast to the letter of July 18^th. If “A Canadian, who twelve days ago left St Johns” was in fact Hazen, he had ensured Philip “that there are many Indians in Canada, but believes neither they or the Canadians will join [the British forces]”.

Schuyler’s hope was further dampened by illness sweeping the army. He reports that the troops “returned on Monday the Eleventh, on Tuesday the twelfth I found I had upwards of 600 sick, Waterbery’s Regiment being reduced to less than 500” and that he had fallen ill as well.

All of this in concert led Schuyler to fall back to Ile-aux-Noix, just as Hazen had suggested, to reconsider the attack on St. Jean.

But reports from James Livingston said that he was successful in raising troops near Chambly (eventually the 1^st Canadian Regiment under Livingston's command) and in transporting cannons within range of St. Jean where he reported much more favorable odds for the Continental Army - making it sound like Hazen’s intel was either incorrect or exaggerated. The attack would go forward on September 17^th, by which point Schuyler had turned over command to General Montgomery in order to deal with an attack of gout.

In the meantime, Moses Hazen had returned to his home in St. Jean. The series of events that followed lead us to question what his true motivation was for the news delivered to Philip Schuyler at the eve of the siege of St. Jean. Was Hazen presenting accurate information or slanting the facts in hopes that the battle would circumnavigate St. Jean? Was he hesitant to come out of retirement or undecided on what side to come out of retirement for? Was his primary concern just the preservation of his home and property value?

During the attack on the 17^th, John Brown, a spy who had also been reporting back to Schuyler, came in contact with Hazen during a skirmish north of the Fort and arrested him. It is unclear if Hazen participated in the skirmish in any way or was just arrested because his loyalties were unknown. He was held only briefly by the Americans before Brown’s men were attacked and Hazen was abandon to the British, who arrested him in turn. In the meantime, General Mongomery informs Schuyler that “Mr Livingston some Days ago took Post at Hazen’s House with near 200 Canadians, they are erecting a Battery there, which seems to make the Garrison very uneasy”. Given the quick turnover, it is possible that Hazen did not even know that the Continental Army had set up their base of operations on his estate just across from the Fort in St. Jean.

Hazen would not return to his home for some time as he was instead sent to Montreal where he was imprisoned under General Carleton for nearly two months. As the Continental Army pushed through St. Jean into Montreal, Hazen was once again abandoned in transfer. According to the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Hazen claimed that Carleton had again offered him a command under the British, but he once again refused on his loyalties to the American cause. He claimed that the unpleasant conditions of his imprisonment further solidified his loyalty and he officially joined the American army during their attack on Quebec.

Hazen was present for the Death of General Montgomery during
the siege of Quebec in 1775 and was sent to Congress to report
on the battle.

Somewhat strangely, less than two months after joining the American cause, Hazen was sent as an envoy, alongside the decade younger Edward Antill to report to Congress on the death of General Montgomery and the course of the Quebec campaign. In asking Congress to send reinforcements, Hazen negotiated that one of the two Canadian units formed, would be under his own command. The 1^st Canadian Regiment was promised to James Livingston by General Montgomery, while the 2^nd Canadian Regiment was intended (by Benedict Arnold, who led the second arm of attack during the Quebec campaign) to be given to John Duggan. In addition to usurping Duggan’s commission, Hazen negotiated monies owed to him for the use and damaging of his property and an agreement regarding the future treatment of his property in St. Jean for the remainder of the war. He, rather ridiculously, valued the property damages upwards of $11,000, though Congress was only willing to pay him about 20% of that.

Benedict Arnold had multiple spats with
Moses Hazen. The feuding perhaps
began when Hazen usurped a position
Arnold promised to another officer.

Hazen’s 2^nd Canadian Regiment was unique because he negotiated it to be commissioned directly through Congress, gaining it the nickname “Congress’ Own”. This also led to some questions surrounding to what degree he had to follow the typical chains of command. Obviously, he had to obey other direct commissions issued by Congress, like Generals Washington and Schuyler, but if a command contrary to his orders from Congress came from a brigadier general of another unit, would Hazen, as a lower-ranking colonel still have to obey? Hazen did not seem to think so and faced multiple courts martial for an insubordination charge by Benedict Arnold who was at that time a brigadier general. Hazen was repeatedly cleared through three years of on-and-off litigation throughout the war.

Hazen’s propensity for legal action did not start or end with Arnold. Before and after the war, he was persistently embroiled in lawsuits, including several with Congress and the government. Right up to his death, he was suing for further wartime property damage and use and remuneration for wages lost. He argued that since he had been retired on British half pay before the war, he should be recompensed by Congress that half pay which he had forfeited by joining the Continental Army. Though the case was still open at his death, his family did eventually win over $6,000 in that suit.

We tend to think of American Revolutionaries as a set type, but in reality, there were numerous personalities and numerous reasons why individuals did, or did not join in the Revolution. For Revolutionaries and Loyalists alike, the decision to join the war on either side was not always a clear one. Moses Hazen, though he may have initially intended to stay retired, weighed his options based at least partially on which side he felt would ultimately benefit himself and his property. Not joining the war in favor of continuing one’s daily life was not an option for most. Refusing to choose a side, as we see Hazen attempt at first, was considered tantamount to treason by both sides, which is very likely why Hazen was bounced back and forth, captured by both armies before his loyalty was made clear. Perhaps Philip Schuyler, who took Hazen’s intel but made no attempt to capture him nor gain an oath of allegiance from him, understood the hesitance to declare oneself. Philip’s military mentor, John Bradstreet - who had immense influence over Philip and lived with the family at Schuyler Mansion - would have almost certainly remained loyal to the British crown had he not died in 1774. Philip joined the Continental Congress soon after, but one can presume that had Bradstreet survived into the war, that decision would have been much more difficult.

If you liked this profile and would be interested in learning more about the military contacts in Schuyler’s career, please let us know in the comments. Schuyler Mansion will reopen for our full season starting May 17^th, 2017. Follow our Facebook page for more articles and updates on the exciting events of our 2017 centennial season.

Notes From the Northern Department: Henry Knox, Philip Schuyler, and the Noble Train of Artillery

by Ian Mumpton 

Cambr Nov. 16 1775
You are immediately to examine into the state of the Artillery of this army & take an account of the Cannon, Mortars, Shels, Lead & ammunition that are wanting; When you have done that, you are to proceed in the most expeditious manner to New York; There apply to the president of the provincial Congress, ... & Get him to procure such [artillery and ammunition] as can possibly be had there.  After you have procured as many of these Necessaries as you can there, you must go to Major General Schuyler & Get the remainder from Ticonderoga, Crown point, or St Johns—If it should be necessary, from Quebec, if in our hands—the want of them is so great, that no trouble or expence must be spared to obtain them—I have wrote to General Schuyler, he will give every necessary assistance, that they may be had & forwarded to this place with the utmost dispatch—I have given you a Warrant to the paymaster General of the Continental army, for a Thousand Dollars, to defray the expence attending your Journey, & procuring these Articles, an Account of which you are to keep & render upon your return. Given under my Hand at Head Quarters at Cambridge this 16 day of November Annoque Domini 1775
Go: Washington
Endeavour to procure what Flints you can.

Henry Knox, 1784 portrait by Charles Wilson Peale

In late November, 1775, Colonel Henry Knox was dispatched to the Northern Department with orders to secure the artillery at Fort Ticonderoga for transportation to the siege of Boston, where, as Washington confided to Philip Schuyler on the 24th of December, “it is much wanting for the Works we have lately thrown up.” The proposed route was to follow the Hudson river south to Albany before cutting east across the Berkshire mountains. This winter journey would prove to be a test of the revolutionaries’ resolve and resourcefulness. The decision to attempt to haul artillery over rough terrain in the middle of winter might seem odd to modern readers, however despite the challenges, winter was actually the best time to haul heavy loads overland in the 18th century. In the winter months, frigid temperatures turned rough, muddy roads into hard-packed, snow-covered routes able to support heavy wagons or, even more efficiently, sleds. Knox expressed this to Washington in a letter sent from Fort George on the 5th of December:

I arriv’d here Yesterday & made preparation to go over the lake this morning but General Schuyler reaching here before day prevents my going over for an hour or two. He has given me a list of Stores on the other side from which I am enabled to send an Inventory of those which I intend to forward to Camp—The Garriso[n] at Ticonderoga is so weak, The conveyance from the fort to the landing is so difficult the passage accross the lake so precarious that I am afraid it will be ten days at least before I can get them on this side—when they are here—the conveyance from hence will depend entirely on the sleding—if that is good they shall immedia[tel]y move forward—without sleding the roads are so much gullied that it will be impossible to move a Step.
General Schuyler will do every thing possible to forward this business…

The first leg of the journey was by water from Ticonderoga to Fort George, with bateaux, scow, and pettianger (probably a pirogue or canoe-like vessel). This proved to be both arduous and dangerous, with the scow striking a rock and having to be raised from the lake. Twelve days after having sent his first letter from Fort George, Knox wrote to Washington from that site again on the 17th of December. Again, he stressed the necessity of good sleds to complete the journey:

1779 map by Claude Sauthier with modern highlight of
the route taken by the Noble Train of Artillery.

I returnd from Ticonderoga to this place on the 15th instant & brought with me the Cannon &c.... It is not easy to conceive the difficulties we have had in getting them over the lake owing to the advanced Season of the Year & contrary winds—three days ago it was very uncertain whether we could have gotten them over untill next Spring, but now please God they shall go—I have made forty two exceeding strong sleds & have provided eighty yoke of Oxen to drag them as far as Springfield… There will Scarcely be any possibility of conveying them from here to Albany or Kinderhook but on Sleds the roads being very much gullied—At present the sledding is tolerable to Saratoga about 26 Miles; beyond that there is none—I have sent for the Sleds & teams to come up & expect to begin to move them to Saratoga on Wednesday or Thursday next trusting that between this & that period we shall have a fine fall of Snow which will enable us to proceed further & make the Carriage easy—if that should be the case I hope in 16 or 17 days to be able to present to your Excellency a Noble train of Artillery…

In order to keep the artillery train moving, Knox rode on ahead to ensure that there would be enough sleds and beasts of burden to pull the guns through the snow. Knox reached Saratoga by Christmas day, from whence he proceeded a farther eight miles through heavy snowfall before stopping for the night. He resumed his journey the following morning:

In the morning the snow being nearly two feet deep we with great trouble reach’d about two miles we then procur’d Saddles & went to Stillwater, we got a Sleigh to go to Albany, but the roads not being broken prevented our getting farther than New City, about 9 miles above Albany, where we lodg’d. In the morning we sat out & got about 2 miles, when our horses tir’d and refus’d to go any farther. I was then oblig’d to undertake a very fatiguing march of about 2 miles on snow three feet deep thro’ the woods, there being no beaten path. Got to Squire Fisher’s who politely gave me a fine breakfast & provided me with horses which served me as far as Co. Schuyler’s, where I got a sleigh to carry me to Albany, which I reach’d about two o’Clock, almost perish’d with the Cold. In the afternoon waited on Gen’l Schuyler & spent the evening with him.

For the cold and weary Knox, the Schuyler home was a welcome respite. It is uncertain exactly how the Schuyler’s celebrated the holiday season, but they likely participated in the festivities of Twelfth Night, a popular tradition in the 18th century Hudson Valley. Even more welcome for Colonel Knox was Philip Schuyler’s assistance in organizing the transport of the artillery to Albany. Knox needed more sleighs, but was encountering problems from local contacts. A Mr. Palmer had sleds and oxen available, for a hefty price. Schuyler, being more familiar with the local economy and holding the authority that went with the rank of Major General, stepped in to the negotiations. On the 28th of December, Knox recorded in his diary that, "Mr Palmer Came Down, & after a considerable degree of conversation between him & General Schuyler about the price the Genl offering 18s. 9d. & Palmer asking 24s. p’ day for 2 Yoke of Oxen. The treaty broke off abruptly & Mr. Palmer was dismiss’d."

Compounding the problems, Knox further recorded that, “...the snow is too deep for the Cannon to set out, even if the Sleds were ready.” In the meantime, with negotiations stalled, Schuyler and Knox sought other means for acquiring the necessary sleds and draft animals. Schuyler, always the businessman, not only refused to pay Palmer’s high prices, but sought to hire other local residents and their sleds for half of Palmer’s price. Knox recorded in his journal that, on the 29th, Schuyler “...sent out his Waggon Master & other people to all parts of the Country to immediately send up their slays with horses suitable, we allowing them 12s. p’ day for each pair of horses or £7 p’ Ton for 62 miles.”

It is unclear who the “Waggon Master” refers to, but as mentioned in a previous article, many of the men enslaved by the Schuyler family were skilled at driving carts and sleds. As there is no surviving record of Schuyler hiring a wagon master, it is likely that this person was one of the enslaved servants, possibly Lisbon or a man named Lewis who, five months later, was lent to Benjamin Franklin as a driver for a trip from the Schuyler’s home to New York City. In either case, by the 31st, “...the Waggon master return’d the Names of persons in the different parts of the Country who had gone up to the lake with their horses in the whole amounting to near 124 pairs with Slays…”

Knox’s difficulties were far from over, however, as his appraisal of the sleds available indicated that they would not be strong enough for the heaviest cannon. Beyond this, there was still the difficulty of bringing the guns to Albany, which required four crossings of the Hudson River. Generally this could be accomplished by hauling the guns over the frozen river, but the heavy snowfall over Christmas was followed by a sudden thaw (turning the roads from snow-packed highways to slushy, muddy tracks) that made such crossing extremely risky. Despite efforts to thicken the ice at the crossings, one of the guns broke through the ice at the Halfmoon Ferry just north of Albany. While it was retrieved, this delayed the project. On January 5th, Knox wrote to Washington that although they had been able to move some of the artillery:

…a cruel thaw, hinders from Crossing Hudsons River which we are oblig’d to do four times from Lake George to this Town—the first severe night will make the Ice on the river sufficiently strong ’till that happens the Cannon & mortars must remain where they are most of them at the different crossing places & some few here—these inevitable delays pain Me exceedingly as my mind is fully sensible of the importance of the greatest expedition in this Case—In eight or nine days after the first severe frost they will be at Springfield from which place we can get them easily transported Altho there should be no snow—but to that the roads are So excessively bad Snow will be necessary… General Schuyler has been exceedingly assidious In this matter, as to myself my utmost endevers have been & still shall be use[d] to forward them with the utmost dispatch.

Schuyler likewise reported to Washington on the same day, saying, “The first of the Cannon arrived here on Wednesday & the whole is on Its Way, but detained by the Weakness of the Ice in Hudsons River, occasioned by the uncommon Mildness of the Weather for several Days past, one frosty Night if not deferred too long will however put Every Thing in Order...” Fortunately, the cold returned soon, and the great train of artillery was once more on the move. On the 7th of January another gun went through the ice, but was retrieved the following day with the assistance of “the good people of Albany”. Finally, on January 9th, Knox reported in his journal:

 Got several spare slays also some spare string of horses, in case of any accident. After taking my leave of General Schuyler & some other of my friends in Albany, I sat out from there about twelve o’Clock & went as far as Claverac, about 9 miles beyond Kinderhoock. I first saw all the Cannon set out from the ferry opposite Albany.

Knox’s journey would take a further eighteen days before the artillery train finally arrived at Cambridge. Organizational issues and bad weather had turned the projected two-week expedition into one of over ten weeks, but the guns were finally in place. Despite the difficulties, Knox retained some fond memories of the enterprise, especially of his time in Albany and with the Schuylers. On the 5th of January, in addition to his letter to Washington, Knox also wrote to his beloved wife, Lucy, describing the town of Albany and the Schuylers’ house:

Albany, from its situation, and commanding the trade of the water and immense territories westward, must one day be, if not the capital, yet nearly to it, of America. There are a number of gentlemen’s very elegant seats in view from that part of the river before the town, among them I think General Schuyler’s claims the preference; the owner of which is sensible and polite…

The same day, while waiting for the weather to turn cold enough to solidify the ice on the river crossings, Knox had also visited the Cahoes falls on the Mohawk River. His description of the natural splendor of this local wonder is simply too beautiful not to include:

Those stupendous falls, inferior to none except the except the Grand one of Niagara, are form’d by the whole body of the Mohawk River falling at one pitch from a perpendicular of eighty feet. It is the most superb & affecting sight I ever saw… The time I saw it was about 9 o’Clock in the morning, when the beams of the sun reflected on the whole Icy Scene around. Vast Icicles of twenty feet long and three or four feet thick hung in pendants from the neighboring rocks, which were form’d from the rain and melted snow falling from the neighboring heights, & and a very severe frost coming up which arrested the Water in its fall… It look’d like one vast torrent of milk pouring from a stupendous height. Its fall occasion’d a very thick mist to arise, which look’d like a shower of rain, & I was told that in Summer time a perpetual rainbow was to be seen here. After having gaz’d & wonder’d for a long time I return’d to Albany… not a little humbl’d by thoughts of my own insignifigance.

The Cohoes Falls in Winter

 The very best holiday wishes to all of our readers from Schuyler Mansion and Notes from the Northern Department. There are a few more posts going up before the new year, and 2017 will bring more historical excitement as well, so stay tuned as we continue to explore the history of the Schuyler family in 18th century Albany!