Schuyler's Stressful Summer of 1777

 by Kayla Whitehouse

The summer of 1777 had the potential to be a time of great success and distinction for Philip Schuyler. He had been newly re-appointed as Commander of the Northern Department of the Continental Army and was a candidate for Governor of New York. But in June, his life veered into a downward spiral as he was overwhelmed with military concerns – particularly at Fort Ticonderoga – as well as personal difficulties at his home in Albany. As a result, the early summer of 1777 was likely one of the most stressful times of Schuyler’s life.

Schuyler had recently overcome great difficulty. He and General Horatio Gates had been vying for control of the Northern Department, and General Gates, in charge of the troops in Canada, had just been given command of Fort Ticonderoga in March. However, the Continental Congress passed a resolution to reinstate Schuyler as Commander of the Northern Department on May 22, 1777, putting him back in charge of the garrison.

Gates was then given leave to decide his own future in the Continental Army – he could either remain in the Northern Department and report to Schuyler, or work directly under General George Washington. Philip Schuyler wrote to General Gates on June 4^th to inform him that he had been made Commander and asked to meet. They needed to discuss the state of the garrison, and any intelligence Gates possessed. Schuyler and Gates seemingly corresponded right away, as Schuyler wrote a letter to the Congress detailing his plans the next day. He wrote: “General Gates having signified to me his Disinclination to remain in this Department, I have found It necessary to send General St.Clair to take the Command at Tyonderoga [sic], he left this toDay together with Brig^r Fermois and I propose to follow him as soon as I have got matters in such Train as that the Service will not suffer by my Absence from hence.”[i]

Over the next few days, Schuyler prepared for his command of the garrison before he left Albany. He reviewed reports that were sent to him, including the count of the troops and provisions. Based on the reports, Fort Ticonderoga was in disarray – poorly staffed and inadequately supplied. The few men they had garrisoned there lacked clothing – some of them were even barefoot – and had no blankets or tents to sleep in. There were not enough provisions, and a lack of salt meant that the fresh meat they had in store was spoiled.[ii]

Schuyler wrote repeatedly to Congress and General Washington during the month of June, trying to get more meat, clothing, blankets, tools, artillery, and reinforcements. His predecessor, General Gates, had also written to Washington about the lack of adequate supplies and shelter at Ticonderoga, but his pleas were similarly unanswered. In a letter written to Washington on May 24^th, 1777, Gates had noted that the barracks at Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, just across a narrow section of Lake Champlain, could only hold 1000 men between them – a paltry sum compared to what was needed for an adequate defense force. They had no tents, and the “hutts” that had been built at the fort, which were only intended to be temporary shelters, were in ruins.[iii] The count of troops at the end of June listed about 4183 men,[iv][v] which meant that many of their men were forced to sleep outside on the ground, uncovered, and without proper provisions.

Map of Fort Ticonderoga (below) and Mount Independence
 (above) showing the pontoon bridge connecting the two Garrisons.

Schuyler left Albany on June 12^th to travel north and see Ticonderoga for himself. He stopped along the way at his house in Saratoga and spent several days there. During this time, Schuyler received reports that the British forces, led by General Burgoyne, were approaching Ticonderoga. Schuyler shared this information with the Continental Congress and General Washington and requested field cannons and reinforcements. He later relayed to Washington that he had become increasingly concerned General Burgoyne’s troops would attack Ticonderoga, and though there were enough men to hold the post, they would not be able to split their defense and prevent communications from being cut off. Without a clear path for communications, they would have no way to call for reinforcements, or even to alert Washington to an attack.

While at Saratoga, Schuyler was also kept busy with numerous other letters and duties. His men sent constant letters asking for his help: soldiers wanting their pay and rations, men who felt they were are being mistreated by the army, prisoners of war who wanted his help getting released, and commanders of other forts asking for help getting supplies. These small matters would have kept Schuyler occupied even while he waited for reinforcements or news.

The first gubernatorial election for New York also distracted Schuyler from his military duties. Schuyler had been nominated for governor, and was up against Brigadier General George Clinton, Brigadier General John Morin Scott, and John Jay. The election began on June 1^st and continued through the end of the month. As Schuyler waited for what was potentially life and career changing news, issues continued to arise with the army.

On June 15^th, General St. Clair sent a captured spy, William Amsbury, to Saratoga. Amsbury had been caught by a scouting party with a letter from Peter Livius, the Chief Justice of Quebec, addressed to Major General John Sullivan (who Livius thought was in charge of Ticonderoga). The letter attempted to convince Sullivan to join the British and give up Fort Ticonderoga. Amsbury had also been caught with a pass from the British Army allowing him to go behind British lines “on Secret Service.”[vi] Schuyler interrogated him for several hours at Saratoga before he was sent to Albany to be executed as a spy. He relayed the intelligence he’d gotten from Amsbury to General Washington with the note: “If the Information which Amsbury gives is to be relied upon, as I think it is, we shall soon be attacked at [Ticonderoga].”[vii]

Washington did not receive this letter until June 20^th, when he responded hesitantly: “Supposing the plan mentioned in Amsbury’s Evidence to be true; I cannot concieve that it will be in the power of the Enemy to carry it into Execution. But to provide against all Events, I have ordered General Putnam to hold four Massachusetts Regiments in Readiness at Peek’s Kill, to go up the River at a Moments Warning, and to order Sloops from Albany, which are to be kept for that purpose.”[viii] Peekskill is located about 200 miles south of Fort Ticonderoga, along the Hudson River, however, too far for troops to quickly arrive at Ticonderoga. On the same day, Washington wrote to Major General Israel Putnam that “as the alarm may very likely prove false, until we have fuller evidence that such an event is about to take place, I do not think it adviseable to lessen our force on this quarter, by sending them to where they may perhaps not be wanted.” He did, however, ask Putnam to have four regiments stand ready to move as reinforcements.[ix]

When Schuyler arrived at Ticonderoga on June 17^th, he ordered a meeting with the officers in his charge to discuss the state of the fort. Among other things, they noted that the 2500 men stationed there and at Mount Independence were “greatly inadequate to the defence of both posts,” and that if they had to choose to retreat from one of the forts, they should retreat from Fort Ticonderoga first. They decided to move any unnecessary supplies to Mount Independence and work on reinforcing the post there. They also requested more provisions as they only had 39 days’ worth of meat.[x] Schuyler left Ticonderoga on June 23^rd, to go to Fort George, located on Lake George, and had a number of supplies and provisions sent back, most notably sixty days’ worth of meat.[xi]

In his letters from June 25^th and 26^th, Schuyler told General Washington and the Continental Congress that he was more concerned now that General Burgoyne’s troops would either make a serious attack on Fort Ticonderoga, or that they were acting as a diversion, and a serious attack would be made on New Hampshire or the Mohawk River. There was concern General Burgoyne’s army would also focus on cutting off communications from Fort George and Fort Edward. Schuyler requested more supplies and reinforcements. He also shared a report he’d received from General St. Clair of an attack on Fort George by 1000 Canadians.[xii] In a personal note to John Hancock, the President of the Continental Congress, Schuyler wrote he’d caught someone at Saratoga attempting to burn down his house. Luckily, the house was not badly damaged.[xiii]

On June 27^th, Schuyler left Saratoga to return to his home in Albany. On the way, he was met with a letter from his father-in-law, Johannes Van Rensselaer. He informed Schuyler that his eldest daughter, Angelica (1756-1814), had eloped with John Carter, the man who was at Schuyler’s home auditing his military accounts.

The next day, Schuyler received word that British forces had arrived at Crown Point, about ten miles north of Ticonderoga, on Lake Champlain. He wrote to General St. Clair that a real attack on Ticonderoga appeared most likely, and that he intended to return north with militia. He also received word of an attack by the British at Fort Stanwix and Fort Oswego. He spent his day sending letters, sharing the reports, and asking for reinforcements.[xiv]

Two days later, on June 29^th, the Van Rensselaers sent a letter to Philip and their daughter, Catharine, inviting them to dinner. John Carter, whose real name was John Barker Church, wrote a letter to Walter Livingston detailing his marriage and the resulting events. He wrote that the Schuylers responded that they had other company for dinner, but might be able to visit after.[xv] Before the Schuylers could make it to the Van Rensselaers’ for the meeting, they accidentally met the Churches at the docks. Church described the dramatic moment when he and Angelica were returning to Crailo, the Van Rensselaer homestead in Green Bush (now Rensselaer, N.Y.), from Albany. They had arrived at the ferry stop at the same time as the Schuylers and, after a small, silent face-off, Philip and Catharine returned home without having spoken to the Van Rensselaers or the Churches.[xvi]

Map of NY counties in 1775 showing the location of Tryon County

Schuyler could not dwell only on his daughter’s elopement, though, because the following day, he received a messenger with news that enemy troops had gotten through Oswego and were headed west toward Tryon County. Although he did not have a full account of how many men were killed or taken prisoner, he wrote several letters to spread the news, including one to General Washington requesting reinforcements and military supplies.[xvii]

That same afternoon, Philip and Catharine traveled across the Hudson River to her girlhood home, Crailo, to visit the family, including his brand-new son-in-law, John Church. Church, in his letter to Walter Livingston on July 2^nd, wrote that Schuyler was quiet during their visit, but while he “scarcely spoke a dozen Words all the Time, Mrs. S[chuyler] was in a most violent Passion and said all that Rage of Resentment could inspire.”[xviii] However, since, as Schuyler wrote to General Heath the next day, “the Enemy have opened the Campaign in every Quarter in this Department,”[xix] it is easy to imagine that his mind may have been elsewhere.

Schuyler’s father-in-law wrote him a letter on June 30^th, chastising him for ignoring the newlyweds. So when Schuyler received another letter from John Church the next day, he responded, and invited him and Angelica to visit at the mansion. Church wrote about their “cool” reception at the Schuylers’ home, describing how he spoke with Catharine about the “great deal of pain” they had caused, and he “then went to the General who was in the Hall and begged him to forget what was past.” Schuyler expressed his disappointment in how the elopement had happened, but agreed to move past it.[xx]

In our previous blog post, "'exceedingly disagreeable to me:' Angelica Schuyler's Elopement," we wrote that Church perceived the Schuylers’ “coolness” as reluctance to accept him and his marriage to Angelica. Schuyler himself wrote about the event differently in a letter to his friend, William Duer, on July 3^rd. He wrote “I frowned, I made them humble themselves and forgave and called them home.”[xxi] John Church’s letter was very detailed, and clearly showed how distressed he was about the situation, but Schuyler was much more reserved in his description, making it harder to sense his true intentions. Perhaps Schuyler wrote this way to give himself the upper hand in the situation, or perhaps he was afraid of upsetting Johannes van Rensselaer (as Church thought). It’s also possible he had finally been won over by their apologies. However, Church’s description of meeting Schuyler “in the Hall” makes it easy to imagine Church leaving the parlor where he had been talking with Catharine (room 102 or 106 on the diagram below) and finding Schuyler just outside the library (room 103) attached to his office (an exterior structure no longer extant), his mind occupied by troops a hundred miles away. Even though Schuyler did tell Duer “anxiety … and fatigue seem to make me thrive,”[xxii] perhaps accepting his new son-in-law was a way to remove at least one source of stress from his life.

In the same letter to Duer, Schuyler wrote that “happily for me” General Clinton had won the gubernatorial election,[xxiii] so although the final results were not officially announced until July 9^th, he at least had one less burden on his shoulders at that point.

 

Schuyler spent the next few days anxiously waiting for the reinforcements at Albany. While other tasks did require his notice, such as arranging a meeting of the Six Nations to happen on July 15^th, and writing to the Governor of Tryon County regarding his concerns about the Indigenous people there, most of Schuyler’s letters from the first few days of July revolved around his hopes for the soldiers to arrive. Even John Church’s letter to Walter Livingston on July 3^rd about his elopement closed with a mention of General Schuyler going “to Fort Edward as soon as the troops he sent for arrive.”[xxiv] Troops were seemingly at the front of everyone’s mind. By July 6^th, Schuyler decided he could wait no longer for word of troops and traveled north to Fort Edward. He left a letter at Albany for the soldiers to follow.[xxv]^{, [xxvi]}

 

Ultimately, the reinforcements did not arrive in time. Schuyler received word at Fort Edward on July 7^th that General St. Clair had ordered the retreat from Fort Ticonderoga. Schuyler was left in confusion and frustration as St. Clair and his men disappeared during their retreat, not reappearing until they arrived at Fort Edward on July 12^th. Colonel Long, in charge of a regiment under General St. Clair, was headed to Skenesborough with his men from Fort Ticonderoga, but their boats were overtaken, and they lost all their supplies. He then retreated from Fort Ann against Schuyler’s direct orders, leading to its loss to the British on July 8^th. Schuyler eventually found himself at Fort Edward with even less supplies and provisions than he’d had before, and the ones that he had begged for all through June were now in the hands of the British. As another source of stress to him, there were rumors circulating that Schuyler himself had ordered the evacuation of Ticonderoga. He wrote to General Washington daily, keeping the Commander-in-Chief in the loop. Schuyler was not only sharing news, but once again begging him for reinforcements and supplies. When Washington finally got the news on July 12^th (in a letter from Schuyler dated July 7^th), he replied “I will suspend my Opinion upon the propriety of this very extraordinary and sudden Evacuation until I hear something from General St Clair, for, in Truth it is altogether unaccountable—I most sincerely wish it was in my power to supply all your Demands but it shall be done as far as lays in my power.”[xxvii] There were not any more supplies to send and General Washington, it seemed, was cautious of sending supplies which would be better used elsewhere.

 

Although Schuyler did not complain in his letters about the delay in sending troops, Washington addressed it regardless. In the same letter from July 12^th, he said:

 

Your Demand of a further Reinforcement of Troops was fully taken into Consideration by a Board of all the General Officers of this Army. Had our Numbers been as respectable as could have been wished it would not have taken a Moment to deliberate upon the propriety of detaching a further and more considerable Force from this Army or peek’s Kill: but when we considered that weakening ourselves in a material Manner would make us an easy prey for General Howe, who, tho’ he has embarked the greatest part of his Army still lays under Staten Island, and might suddenly reland, it was the unanimous Opinion of the Board that no more than the Remainder of Nixon’s Brigade who are on their Way to peek’s Kill, could be spared at present.[xxviii]

 

Map showing the campaign of 1777. 
Courtesy of the United States Military Academy Department of History.

Perhaps the result would have been different if the post were not so delayed – letters took anywhere from 3 to 7 days to reach Washington from Schuyler, and the orders for men to march north simply came too late. When Washington finally ordered troops to head to Ticonderoga on July 6^th, he had just received Schuyler’s report from June 30^th. It took more time still until General Nixon, in charge of the troops at Peekskill, received the orders, and the men did not set sail up the Hudson River until July 8^th, after the fort had already been evacuated. They did not arrive at Albany until July 12^th, a full week after the loss of the fort.[xxix]

The loss of Fort Ticonderoga greatly affected Schuyler’s military career, and was used by his political opponents as an excuse to oust him and reinstate General Gates. On Friday, August 1, 1777, the Continental Congress resolved that “Major General Schuyler be directed to repair to head quarters,” and “That General Washington be directed to order such general officer as he shall think proper, immediately to repair to the northern department, to relieve Major General Schuyler in his command there.”[xxx] Washington requested that he not have to make the appointment himself, so the Continental Congress voted on Schuyler’s replacement. General Horatio Gates was chosen to resume the position of Commander of the Northern Department once again.[xxxi]

 

Both General St. Clair and General Schuyler were court martialed in 1778 for their actions that led up to the loss of Fort Ticonderoga. St. Clair was charged with neglect of duty, cowardice, treachery, inattention to the progress of the enemy, and “shamefully” abandoning his posts. After several weeks of trial, where he sought to prove his actions were sound, he was eventually cleared of all charges.

 

Schuyler was charged with “Neglect of Duty, in not being present at Ticonderoga to discharge the functions of his command.” Interestingly, they noted that the charges are not because General St. Clair retreated, but because Philip Schuyler should have retreated sooner, so that they did not lose their supplies. Schuyler was acquitted of all charges, since as Commander of the Northern Department, he had the right to establish his Headquarters wherever he liked, including in Albany, and did not have to be present at Ticonderoga at all times. [xxxii]

 

Washington tried to get Schuyler to resume a position with the army, even offering him the command of the Northern Department again, but Schuyler refused. He had mentioned the idea of resigning before and used this opportunity to do so. As Schuyler wrote in a letter to John Jay on November 6, 1777, “My hobby horse has long been a country life; I dismounted once with reluctance, and now saddle him again...and hope to canter him on to the end of the journey of life.” He resigned in December 1778, as soon as Congress had confirmed his acquittal.[xxxiii] Although Schuyler did not resume command of the Northern Department again, he continued to serve the American cause, most notably by serving as a member of the Continental Congress, and later as a New York State Senator.

---

[i] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 158.

[ii] The proceedings of Schuyler’s Court Martial in 1778 include, as a part of his defense, a number of letters that Schuyler wrote starting in the fall of 1776, trying to arrange provisions for 5000 men, clothing, blankets, tools, wagons or carts, wood, nails, pitch and tar, cannon, and ammunition, etc. to fully stock and supply the Northern Department. He also ordered new defenses and work buildings to be built on Mount Independence. Supply shortages and delays in transport prevented the forts from being properly outfitted.

[iii] “To George Washington from Major General Horatio Gates, 24 May 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-09-02-0510. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 9, 28 March 1777 – 10 June 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999, pp. 514–516.]

[iv] "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at White Plains, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General St. Clair, August 25, 1778. Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12772.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[v] In the same letter to Congress on July 8, 1777, when Schuyler informed them of his decision to send St. Clair to Ticonderoga, he also noted the lack of provisions. He had determined that “only 337 Barrels of Provision of the Meat Kind have been forwarded to Tyonderoga [sic] since the 26^th. of March and no Fresh Beef; so that the Stock of Salted Provisions since that time is considerably diminished nor is there any considerable Quantity provided in the Country.” A barrel of meat is about 400 pounds, which would work out to approximately 134,800 pounds of meat that were shipped to Ticonderoga in that time. Soldiers received either 1 pound of beef or fish or ¾ pound of pork per day for their rations (beef given three days a week, pork three days a week, and fish once each week). That would provide about 1300 provisions of meat a day in that time period, not enough to sustain the men garrisoned there appropriately. (see Joseph Trumbull’s Estimate of a Daily Ration from November 1775, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-02-02-0375-0002).

[vi] Nagy, John A. “British Spy Plot to Capture Fort Ticonderoga in 1777,” Journal of the American Revolution, 2014, https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/02/british-spy-plot-to-capture-fort-ticonderoga-in-1777/

[vii] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 179.

[viii] “From George Washington to Major General Philip Schuyler, 20 June 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0089. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 90–92.]

[ix] “From George Washington to Major General Israel Putnam, 20 June 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0088. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 88–89.]

[x] "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at Major General Lincoln's quarters, near Quaker-Hill, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General Schuyler, October 1, 1778, Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12773.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xi] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 183.

[xii] “To George Washington from Major General Philip Schuyler, 25 June 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0127. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 127–128.]

[xiii] The house was later successfully burnt down on October 10, 1777, by General Burgoyne’s forces after their defeat at the Battle of Saratoga. It would be rebuilt in 29 days.

[xiv] Letter from Major General Arthur St. Clair, to Major General Philip Schuyler, July 1, 1777, copied in "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at Major General Lincoln's quarters, near Quaker-Hill, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General Schuyler, October 1, 1778, Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12773.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xv] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xvi] Ibid.

[xvii] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c.

[xviii] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xix] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 215.

[xx] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xxi] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "1777-1780" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1777 - 1780. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/645dd2b0-9d59-0134-5478-00505686a51c, pp. 59.

[xxii] Ibid.

[xxiii] Ibid.

[xxiv] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xxv] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 233.

[xxvi] “the whole force in Ticonderoga, on the 5th of July, 1777, was 5639 men and officers, of which a number, not exceeding 639, could be considered as sick,” "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at White Plains, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General St. Clair, August 25, 1778. Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12772.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xxvii] “From George Washington to Major General Philip Schuyler, 12 July 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0257. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 261–262.]

[xxviii] Ibid.

[xxix] Forgotten Warrior Brigadier General John Nixon, Harry Schenawolf, https://revolutionarywarjournal.com/brigadier-general-john-nixon/.

[xxx] United States Continental Congress, et al. Journals of the Continental Congress, -1789. Washington, U.S. Govt. print off., -37, 1904. Pdf. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/item/05000059/, pp. 595-596.

[xxxi] Ibid., pp. 601-603.

[xxxii] "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at Major General Lincoln's quarters, near Quaker-Hill, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General Schuyler, October 1, 1778, Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12773.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xxxiii] Schuyler resigned his position in December 1778, but that resignation was not accepted by Congress until April 1779. He then rejoined the Continental Congress as a delegate.

Philip Schuyler, the Albany Avenger

It’s that time of year again, when we post our annual April Fools article. In past years, every effort has been made to make these seem strange stories that like they really shouldn’t be true, but where everything seems to line up in a believable enough way. As much fun as that is, it can cause problems from time to time, such as when one reader prepared Philip Schuyler’s “recipe” for bacon-wrapped eels on the grill- a reference that we made up (at least they were tasty!) This year we’ve decided to take a subtly different tack:

The following is not history. At all. Occasionally we may include a historical name or date, but any similarity to any persons living, dead, or undead, is either accidental or used fictitiously to provide a veneer of authenticity so thin it could be marred with a sneeze. So without further delay, allow us to present Philip Schuyler, the Albany Avenger.

The year was 1781. The stakes? Nothing less than the independence of the United States of America. British forces in North America were reeling from a series of key losses, including Cornwallis’s dramatic surrender at Yorktown, and from dwindling support on the home front. Desperate for a stunning victory that would secure their military position in the colonies and inspire political confidence in Britain, top-ranking Crown officers gathered to discuss the seemingly preposterous plan put forward by junior officer and part-time scientist, Lt. Johnathan Hammond of the 42^nd Royal Highland regiment, recently returned to England from duty in the Caribbean. Hammond’s proposal was simple-

Dinosaurs.

A 1780 image of dinosaurs being measured and fitted for armor in London.

Admittedly, this was nothing new at that time. The military application of dinosaurs in Europe began with the French in the early 18th century. Prior to their deployment at the Battle of Parc Jurassique in 1711, dinosaurs were a closely kept secret of the French military, but when a thundering herd of enraged ankylosaurs smashed through the Duke of Marlborough’s lines, Britain had quickly begun development of their own saurian military force. By 1775, Britain had deployed dinosaurs in every one of their European conflicts since 1735, as well as against Jacobite forces and Irish revolutionaries closer to home. The pride of British dinodom was William, a 42-foot, 13.5 metric ton Tyrannosaurus Rex known for his brash confidence and dislike of protocol and authority, but who could be relied on to, “get the job done…”.

That this T-Rex would prove a valuable military asset in North America was beyond doubt, but one fact remained that made Hammond’s proposal seem outlandish: no European power had thus far successfully transported a dinosaur across the Atlantic.  Lt. Hammond was confident that it could be done, however, and offered to rapidly design and construct a ship capable of transporting William the T-Rex from Cornwall to New York, a promise he astonishingly made good on. On April 1^st, 1782,two-hundred and forty one years ago today, Hammond’s vessel, HMS Ingenuity dropped anchor in the harbor of New York City with William safely aboard. The cost of transportation had been staggering. For sustenance William had consumed a total of 112 head of cattle and 45 tunns of rum (11,340 gallons) on the voyage, while four sailors spent the entire crossing earning special duty pay to ensure the removal of his waste in a timely fashion.

Actor Jeff Goldblum (best known for his roles
in movies such as The Fly (1986) and Cats and Dogs (2001))
as Dr. Johnathan Malcom in the 1993 film In-Dino-Pendance Day.
While panned for its inaccurate costuming, the film
offers a gripping retelling of the 1782 Battle of Fishkill.

The cost was worth it, however, when William stomped ashore. One local citizen, Dr. John Malcom,
described the sight of the gigantic creature making its way through the city in a letter to a friend, saying “It was by far the most marvelous and terrifying sight I have ever beheld, a monstrous lizard some forty feet in length. Everyone watched in horrified awe as it passed, anxiously exposing themselves to its gaze, out of trepidation that such a marvel should pass so close to their lives and them not to see it.” The crowds were so dense that Malcom’s wife, Sarah, was unable to see William through the masses. According to Dr. Malcom, “many were too preoccupied with the question of how they might get a closer view that none thought to question whether they ought to. My wife being amongst these, was dissatisfied with her vantage point, and resolved to get closer. The crowd was so numerous that this seemed impossible, but as is ever the case, [my] wife found a way…”

Six days later, Continental forces near Fishkill were awakened at dawn by the thunderous roar of a creature most had never imagined existing, much less anticipated facing in battle. Fitted with armor made up of interlocking plates and chainmail, William tore through their defenses, devouring all in his path. Musket fire was virtually useless against William, and even field artillery was ill equipped to handle the speed with which this King of the Late Cretaceous rampaged across the battlefield. Only cavalry had the mobility necessary to match him. While their weaponry was unable to pose significant threat to William’s armored bulk, a small unit of riders under the command of Captain Enoch Otiss managed to draw the attention of the dinosaur long enough for their comrades to organize a tactical withdrawal. With British troops advancing, things looked grim for the Continental forces.

Enter Philip Schuyler. While he no longer held a commission in the Continental Army, the former Major General was still very much an active participant in the conflict. Schuyler had an expansive roster of contacts and spies throughout New York. In fact, he had been tracking the Ingenuity’s progress from England, and had been made aware of William’s presence in North America several days before the attack at Fishkill! On April 3^rd, 1782, Schuyler received a message from an as-yet unidentified “D. Nedry of Lansingburgh” that read simply:

Hgrubgnisnal ,yrden D

,yllaicnanif sryY.

daer si regneva ynabla eht yarp i. Emoc sah mailliw. Deraef ew sa si ti,

Lareneg raed

Despite being apparent gibberish, the message was actually an encoded warning! According to Schuyler Mansion Historic Site Assistant Ian Mumpton, “Nedry ensured the secrecy of his warning by employing what is known as a non-substitutive, mono-alphabetic reversion cipher, also known as ‘writing it backwards’. This type of encryption, really, if were to ask me, was very bad.”

Through careful examination in a mirror, it was determined that Nedry’s message to Schuyler was as follows:

Dear General,

It is as we feared. William has come. I pray the Albany Avenger is ready.

Yrs. Financially,
D. Nedry, Lansingburgh.

Schuyler had long known that conventional military resources would be ineffective against militarily trained and equipped dinosaurs. While most of the Revolutionary leadership dismissed the possibility that Britain would be able to transport saurian shock troops across the Atlantic, Schuyler’s concerns were shared by Dr. Benjamin Franklin and Tadeusz Kościuszko, a Polish engineer and officer serving in the Continental Army. As early as 1777, the three had begun plans for what Nedry referred to in his letter as “The Albany Avenger”.

A contemporary depiction of the Albany Avenger under construction,
by Albany artist FaeganMorheart.

‘What was the Albany Avenger?’ you might ask (as well you should). Built of woven ash-wood and willow around an articulated iron frame by a team of 200 Albany laborers (under the careful supervision of General Kościuszko), and powered by Franklin’s research on the application of electrical energy, the Albany Avenger stood 40 feet tall, “Like in form to a man, but of much Greater Scale, and its strength proportionate- the very thing to drive the great Lizard of London from our fair and abundant shores!”  According to Schuyler, “It is the protector of the Hudson now, but when it has been the instrument of our National Liberty and salvation, it shall be known as the Colossus of America!” Philip Schuyler’s contribution to the effort, beyond offsetting the monumental financial resources needed, was one which would guarantee his place in the halls of “history” for all time. The former Major General volunteered himself as the pilot of this incredible 18^th century combat exoskeleton.

And so, on morning of April 7^th, 1782, the stage was set for the ultimate showdown between William, the largest Tyrannosaurus Rex in the service of His Majesty, King George III of England, and Philip Schuyler, aka The Albany Avenger. Much has been written about that fateful battle, and it would be repetitive to describe it in detail here. We all know that Schuyler emerged victorious; we have all heard the legends of the bees and the apples, and of the noble sacrifice of Jim Adams (who, if not for his role at Fishkill, would be the least famous of the three Adamses of the Revolution). But the story known to far fewer, is what happened to Lt. Hammond and William after their defeat.

According to recent research made up by Schuyler Mansion staff, when the British government decided, after careful consideration, not to endorse another saurian expedition to North America, Lt. Hammond resigned his commission in frustration and disgrace. Returning to the Caribbean, he joined with other investors investing in amber mines. William, incensed by the treatment of his friend, similarly resigned, devouring two generals in the process. He attempted to make a name for himself in the world of pugilism. Sadly, though he reigned uncontested in rural “all in” matches, his lack of reach hindered his success in formal fights, and William retired to live with his sister Susan in Liverpool in 1789.

An undated depiction of William facing off against British bareknuckle champion Tom Johnson.

Notes From the Northern Department: The Battles of Saratoga

By Andrew Bertorelli

On September 19, 1777, at approximately 12:30 pm, the opening volleys of the first Battle of Saratoga crackled across the field at Freeman's Farm, in what is today northern Stillwater and southern Saratoga, NY. In what may be considered a typical confrontation between the two forces by this stage in the war, the first battle lasted three hours, ending with neither side able to claim a decisive victory.

 

The Battlefield at Saratoga as it appears today.

Major General Horatio Gates, as painted by Gilbert Stuart

The site was chosen by General Horatio Gates, a political and military rival of Philip Schuyler and the man who replaced him as the commander of the Northern Department in August, and who had become a major proponent of Schuyler’s dismissal from his post as commander after the loss of Fort Ticonderoga. Gates’ army was accompanied by troops commanded by Major General Benjamin Lincoln, as well as a group of sharpshooters from the new Provisional Rifle Corps, commanded by Colonel Daniel Morgan. Gates was also joined by forces under the aggressive young general, Benedict Arnold, who had just returned from his encounter with the western pincer of the British forces at Fort Stanwix. Although the developed an early rapport, Arnold had infuriated Gates with his friendly relationship with Philip Schuyler and by bringing several of Schuyler’s former officers onto his staff.

Major General John Burgoyne,
as painted by Joshua Reynolds

Morgan’s rifle company engaged Burgoyne’s right flank, which was a combination of British regulars, light infantry, and grenadiers commanded by Fraser. Units such as the light infantry and grenadiers in Fraser’s force surely would have considered themselves a cut above the rest as compared to the regular regiments and militias of the 18^th century. Light infantry units derived their classification from the fact that they were highly mobile units, able to move fast from one position to another after their highly-trained men fire aimed shots. This strategic agility would allow them to consistently be just beyond the reach of the enemy’s fire, as well as allowing the commanding general to hastily place them on the battlefield and quickly adjust their position however he saw fit. For their increased usefulness to their commander and their high level of training, light infantrymen were often regarded as having slightly more status than a regular infantryman.

An artistic depiction of British Grenadiers

Unlike their fast and mobile comrades, grenadier regiments were the heavy hitters of an 18^th century battlefield. Grenadier units would specially select recruits who were taller and stronger than most, and would then give them arduous training to instill extreme discipline, making them less likely to rout in battle. Furthermore, grenadiers’ regimental uniforms were easy to tell apart from regular units because of the upturned miter caps, later replaced by bearskin miters, they wore into combat. These hats had initially helped the men in grenadier regiments to hurl their small bombs, or hand grenades (from whence they derive their name), overhand without hitting their arms on the brim of their hats and thus knocking them off. Grenadiers would often enjoy extra pay, and of course elevated status among their peers. At Saratoga, Burgoyne had tasked these men with trekking through the heavily wooded high ground northwest of the center-field and thus forcing the American left flank to turn and fight them, diverting some American fire away from Burgoyne’s center line. This maneuver, however was anticipated by General Arnold and he was granted a reconnaissance-in-force, consisting of Morgan’s rifle company and a Continental light infantry unit.

A detail cut-away of a rifled barrel.

The distinction between an early muzzle-loaded rifle, as used by Morgan’s men, and the typical Brown Bess smooth bore musket used by regular troops during the war is important to note. The rifling grooves forged into the barrel by the gunsmiths had originally come to North America with German immigrants settling the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Kentucky. Initially intended to ease the long, methodical process of cleaning a black powder gun, shooters and hunters quickly realized that guns with spiraled grooves running the length of the inside bore of the gun’s barrel would improve effective range and accuracy of the weapon. Today we know this accuracy is due to the gyroscopic stability achieved by a spinning ball in flight, such as with footballs. This difference in equipment between the American and British forces on the northwestern flank of the battle lines would allow Morgan to intentionally place skilled marksmen and their accurate rifles in positions enabling them to shoot the British officers whilst commanding their troops. However, Morgan’s men quickly found themselves fighting the bulk of Burgoyne’s main army which had come to reinforce Fraser and his men.

The Continental Army at this initial battle on September 19^th was numerically superior, having roughly a quarter more troops than the British. Nevertheless, the Americans were still be beaten back by aggressive British and German flanking movements under the command of Gen. Fraser and the Baron Von Riedesel, respectively.  As darkness set in, the hostilities gave way to a lull in the battle, bringing an inconclusive end to the day. While the British succeeded in holding the field, they remained outnumbered by the Continental Army who, though battered, remained intact. The battle on the first day cost the Continental Army about 300 casualties, while the British suffered approximately 460. The resulting damage to crops and buildings was also quite considerable.

After the battle, the two armies proceeded to encamp within a few miles of each other, both awaiting reinforcements and supplies. While the British army remained static in number and experienced a diminishment of supplies, militiamen and supplies continued to pour into the American camp, including critical increases in ammunition, which had been severely depleted. During this lull in the fighting, the relationship between Arnold and Gates became even more strained. The situation came to a boiling point with a yelling match between the two men, which ultimately led General Gates to relieve Arnold of his command in favor of Lincoln, transferring Arnold to Washington’s army.

An artistic depiction of Fraser's death.

On October 7^th, 1777 hostilities were reignited as Burgoyne ordered another movement on the American left flank, this time with Grenadiers, the 24^th regiment of foot (British regulars capable of acting as both line troops and light infantry), and ten cannon. The men would march almost a mile into what was a wheat field overlooking Mill Brook, a good vantage point to be sure. Gates commanded Morgan’s riflemen, General Poor, and General Learner’s forces to meet the British in what would become the decisive victory of the two-and-a-half-week battle. The British Grenadiers gave ineffective fire to Gen. Poor’s men, before charging with fixed bayonets. As soon as the British were in range, Poor gave the order to fire with devastating effect, leading to a full rout by the Grenadiers. Meanwhile, Morgan’s rifles were engaged in heavy fighting with the British Canadians and Native Auxiliary forces, routing them before engaging Fraser’s main force of regulars. At a critical moment in the fighting, Fraser was shot from his horse by a long-range shot from one of Morgan’s riflemen with what would prove to be a mortal wound.

A contemporary depiction of Burgoyne's encampment following the second engagement at Saratoga.
General Fraser's funeral procession is depicted marching across the face of the second-to-rightmost hill.

Abraham Ten Broeck. The arrival of his New York troops
sealed the American victory at Saratoga.

The death of Gen. Fraser was followed by the arrival of a massive force of New York Militiamen led by Abraham Ten Broeck, forcing the British to fall back to their defensive lines en-masse. Ten Broeck, the Brigadier General leading the militia, was a lifelong friend of Philip Schuyle. Both had grown up in Albany close in age, and shared the privilege of being born into wealthy Dutch families in the New York Province. His arrival on this battlefield with a force of militiamen equal in size to that of the entire British expeditionary force must have truly solidified the realization of defeat in the British troops as they fled.

The famous "Unnamed Boot" monument at
Saratoga National Battlefield Park
honors Benedict Arnold's role in the battle.
His name is left off however, due to
his infamous later betrayal.

Burgoyne would ultimately lose over 400 men on this day and six of the ten artillery pieces sent with the Grenadiers. Following the break of the British line, Gen. Arnold left the camp and took command of Gen. Poor’s men who were in pursuit of the fleeing British. Arnold led an attack on one of the British redoubts, but when the attack stalled he quickly rode through the lines to take charge of Gen. Learned’s men in an attack on the second British redoubt. The capture of the second redoubt provided a gap in the British camp’s defenses, allowing the Americans to pour in and completely break the British force. Arnold himself, however was shot from his horse during this daring charge; the resulting injury to his leg, from both the shot and the force of the horse falling onto it, led to a long and painful recovery for the General.

Burgoyne’s remaining men retreated roughly ten miles to what is modern day Schuylerville, New York. He had lost approximately a thousand men during the two battles, and by October 13^th, he and his men were completely surrounded and outnumbered three to one. On October 17^th, he surrendered to Gates. This was not only an American victory in military terms, but also political. By defeating Burgoyne in open combat, Gates had shown the world that the American colonists had a real chance of winning the fight against the British on their own, bolstering the newly solidified French support for the Patriot’s cause in earnest. In addition to support in North America, the French would bring the war with Britain onto the global stage, forcing the British to divert attention away from the colonies.

The Surrender of General Burgoyne, by John Trumbull, 1821. Key figures include General Burgoyne presenting his sword to Horatio Gates in center, Daniel Morgan in white the left near the cannon, and Philip Schuyler in civilian clothing just behind the cannon wheel. A full key to the figures can be found here.

 The Saratoga battlefield is today preserved through the National Parks Service, and is available for visitation. Click here to learn more. We're nearly at the end of our regular tour season, so stay tuned for more articles over the late-Fall and Winter months. You can find other information on the Revolutionary War in Northern New York with our "Notes From the Northern Department" series. Check out our other series as well to learn about the Women of Schuyler Mansion, artifacts in our collections, slavery and the lives of the people enslaved at the house, ongoing restoration, and much more.