This blog is the first part in a
series discussing the Continental Army’s attacks on Johnson Hall, in Johnstown,
New York.
In January 1776, Major General Philip
Schuyler was very busy. He had rung in the New Year providing vital support to
Col. Henry Knox, who had recently passed through Albany with his “Noble Train
of Artillery.” Knox stayed in Albany for about two weeks while he struggled
with the weather and logistics of moving 60 tons of cannon. From January 4-6, while
Knox was still in Albany, Schuyler was in treaty with a delegation from the
Caughnawaga tribe, and reached an agreement that the tribe would remain neutral
in the war. He was also greatly concerned with the Continental troops in
Canada, and the progress of their campaign at Quebec. Due to the delay in
receiving mail from Canada, Schuyler would not hear about the loss at Quebec
and the death of General Montgomery until January 13. In early January,
however, Schuyler would hear some news about activities a little bit closer to
home.
On January 1, 1776, a Committee of Congress consisting of John Jay, Thomas Lynch, and Thomas McKean, sent a letter to Philip Schuyler informing him that a significant quantity of arms and powder were being hidden by the Loyalists at Sir John Johnson’s house in Johnstown. Schuyler was ordered by Congress to seize the weapons and imprison anyone deemed too dangerous to be left alone. “We rest assured,” they wrote, “you will exert every prudent & necessary Step immediately to accomplish the above, and with the utmost Secrecy collect as many Men as may be sufficient for the purpose.”[i]
Sir John Johnson’s father was Sir William Johnson, 1st Baronet, noted for his military accomplishments during the French and Indian War, and British Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern District. Upon his father’s death in 1774, Sir John inherited his father’s estate, his Baronetcy, and his position as British Superintendent of Indian Affairs. Deeply connected to Britain and personally indebted to the King (having been knighted when he visited London in 1775), Sir John established himself as a Loyalist early on in the conflict. The previous July (1775), the Loyalist Sheriff of Tryon County, Alexander White, was overzealous in threatening the “rebels” in the county. As a result, a mob of over 100 men tried to drag him from his lodgings. Sir John brought the sheriff into his house, barricaded it, and announced he would protect him.[ii] The mob and Johnson came to terms about a week later, deciding that Sheriff White would flee the county, and Sir John would keep out of the war effort, but he made his point clear – Johnson Hall would remain loyal to the King. Though he’d pledged to not participate in the war, Sir John Johnson’s profession of loyalty to England caught the attention of those who feared Loyalist plots in the New York west-country.
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| Sir John Johnson |
And so it was, at the end of
December, reports spread of a sizable force of men gathered at Johnson Hall.
Congress ordered Schuyler, as Major General of the Northern Department, to
investigate. On January 13, Schuyler received a letter from the Tryon County
Committee of Safety, reporting that the Loyalists at Johnstown were making
“inimical preparations” and “planning an ambush,” although it was not specified
who the target of the ambush was. They sent a copy of a testimony confirming
these reports, with the news that Sir John had about seven hundred men, with
cannon, around his house.[iii]
These men included not just Loyalists, but at least 300 Indigenous men, and
several hundred Scottish Highlanders, who had been encouraged to move to the
county by Sir William Johnson and were all fiercely loyal to the British crown.
Although Schuyler had initially been sworn to secrecy about his plans, the
corroboration of these reports allowed him to openly announce his intentions to
bring militia to Johnson Hall and seize their weapons.
On January 15, Schuyler sent out
an order to his troops:
“The Honorable the
Continental Congress having been informed that dangerous Designs have been
formed in the County of Tryon against the good people of the British Colonies,
have ordered General Schuyler to march a Body of Troops into that Country to
aid him in carrying their Resolutions into Execution … The Troops are to parade
at sunrise to Morrow Morning in the Street between the English and Dutch
Churches; Immediately after they will march … and proceed to Schenectady.”[iv]
Schuyler immediately recognized
one significant complication: in order to get to Johnson Hall, he would have to
pass through Caughnawaga territories. Not wanting to offend or alarm, Schuyler
asked the Albany Committee of Correspondence whether he should send them a
message first, and the Committee agreed.[v]
The Haudenosaunee, known then as the Six Nations, had signed a Treaty of
Neutrality with the Americans in 1775. Schuyler knew that if he marched a body
of militia into their territory, they would see it as an invasion, and a
violation of that treaty. Accordingly, he sent a message informing them of his
true intentions, and another to Sir Johnson, asking to meet him on the way to
Johnstown to discuss the orders he had been given by Congress.[vi]
The next day, Schuyler and his
assembled militia left Albany, gathering more troops as they went towards
Johnstown. As he told Congress, “such was the Zeal and alacrity of the people
that altho’ the Weather was cold in the Extreme it was impossible to prevent
their coming up, which they did in such Numbers that by the Time I reached
Caghnawaga [sic] I had very near if not quite 3000 Men including nine hundred
of the Tryon County Militia.”[vii]
As expected, Schuyler was met by
a delegation from the Mohawk people, who objected to him marching an army
through their territory, in apparent defiance of the treaty. They did not
believe that Sir John had gathered any weapons, believing him to be peaceful as
his father had been. The Mohawk delegation requested to be present when
Schuyler met him, Schuyler reassured the Mohawks that he did not intend to
attack them, but that he had received trusted reports that Sir John was
planning to attack the Continental Army, and needed to prevent it. He asked if
they would serve as mediators between him and Sir John in return for
protection.
In response to Schuyler’s note, Sir
John agreed to meet with him to hear the terms. When they met, Schuyler
informed him of his orders from Congress to take all the arms and ammunition
from the men at Johnson Hall, the Scotch Highlanders, and all Tories living in
Tryon County. Additionally, Sir Johnson would have to give up all blankets and
gifts intended for the Haudenosaunee nations, so they could instead be
presented by General Schuyler as a token of friendship from the Continentals. As
Schuyler later reported to Congress, Sir Johnson
“assured me
that the Indians would support him, that some were already at Johnson Hall for
that purpose and others on their Way down. In Return I told him that altho’
averse to shedding any Blood yet if resisted that Force would be opposed to
Force without Distinction and that the Consequences would be of the utmost
serious Nature unless he complyed with my Requisitions, he begged Time to
answer until next Evening to which I consented.”[viii]
Once Sir John Johnson left, however,
Schuyler was met by two Mohawk men who declared that Sir Johnson was lying.
They had not promised to support Sir John, and in fact would limit themselves
to acting as mediators, as they had earlier told Schuyler.
Sir Johnson sent his reply to the terms
that evening: he rejected almost all of the terms, saying that he would keep
all his weapons, go wherever he liked, and that he did not have any blankets or
gifts to give up. The only term he agreed to was that the Highlanders would give
up their own weapons. Schuyler informed him that since he rejected the terms,
he would “march my troops to that place without a delay.”[ix]
On January 18, Major General Schuyler
marched his men to within four miles of Johnstown while he waited for Sir Johnson’s
response to the terms. Schuyler reported to Congress “the Sachems and all the
Warriors of the lower Mohawk Town and some from the upper called upon me, and
informed me that Sir John Johnson had related to them the Contents of the Terms
I had offered to him,” and “begged that if his answer was not satisfactory that
I would give him until four O’Clock in the Morning that they might have Time to
go and shake his Head as they expressed it, and bring him to his Senses,” and
“declared that they would never take arms against us” in return for letting Sir
John remain at Johnson Hall. Schuyler agreed, as a way of showing the “Love and
Affection” he had for the Mohawks and hoping that he could convince Sir John to
change his conduct (which Schuyler called “extremely obnoxious”).[x]
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| Johnson Hall State Historic Site |
The Major General then sent amended
terms to Johnson Hall: Sir John would give up his weapons, (although
“General Schuyler’s Feelings as a Gentleman induce him to consent that Sir John
Johnson may retain the few favorite Family arms”),[xi]
and that he would be limited to the area around Johnson Hall, and would need to
apply to Congress for permission to travel farther. Six of the Scottish
inhabitants would be taken prisoner, although Schuyler gave no promises of
where Congress would decide to send them. Additionally, “General Schuyler
expects that all the Scotch Inhabitants of whatsoever Rank that are not
confined to their Beds by Illness, shall attend with their Arms – and deliver
them on Saturday at 12 O’Clock... General Schuyler never refused a Gentleman
his side arms.”
The next day, Schuyler sent Col.
Nicholas Herkimer to collect all of the Tories in the area so they, too, could
surrender their weapons. Schuyler then marched the rest of the way into
Johnstown. On January 20, all of Major General Schuyler’s troops at Johnstown
lined up at attention along the road in complete silence, making a line “from
[his] Quarters to the Court House,”[xii]
and between two and three hundred Scottish Highlanders marched in front of them
to deliver their weapons. Since Schuyler had traveled with approximately 3000 men,[xiii]
it would have been an impressive sight. However, based on Schuyler’s letter to Sir
Johnson complaining about how none of the Highlanders had managed to surrender
a dirk, broad sword, or any ammunition, it seems that they were not as
intimidated as Schuyler would have liked.[xiv]
Schuyler’s men then searched the
small island in the duck pond by Johnson Hall, where Sir John had supposedly
hidden a cache of weapons, but were unable to find anything. Over the next two
days, over 100 Tories from the surrounding areas were brought in to surrender
their weapons. Schuyler returned to Albany on January 21, leaving behind Col.
Herkimer and his regiment to collect any more weapons still being brought in.
Schuyler’s march was successful
in that Sir Johnson and a number of other Loyalists were disarmed, and the seized
weapons were sent to Continental troops in Canada. At the meeting of Congress
on February 5, Congress praised Schuyler’s work in disarming the Tories in
Tryon County, “and providing for future tranquility of those parts.”
Additionally, Congress stated that they hoped none of the men who traveled with
Schuyler “will allow their countrymen to entertain a suspicion that any ignoble
motive actuated them, by requiring a pecuniary reward.”[xv]
Loyalists mocked Schuyler’s march
into Tryon County, referring to it as his “Peacock Expedition.” The name
apparently stems from an event in which a number of Schuyler’s men killed a
flock of Sir John’s peacocks and decorated themselves with the feathers,[xvi]
but in some ways, the moniker is fitting to Schuyler’s role in the event. While
he was successful in following the orders issued to him by Congress, disarming
the Loyalists, arming Continental soldiers, and negotiating tenuous agreements
with the Indigenous nations, he also put on a show, marching to Johnson Hall
with an excessive number of men, and lining them up as a silent gauntlet for
the Tories to pass through and deliver up their arms. As one poet described it,
“Hark, hark! the valiant Hero comes! / With screaming Fifes, and roaring Drums
… And what but timid Hares are We, / O Schuyler, when compar’d to thee.”[xvii]
Schuyler’s plan, as he explained
to Congress, was not only to seize weapons, but to convince those on the fence that
it would be futile to support the British. To support Schuyler’s position,
Congress had his account of the expedition published in The Pennsylvania
Evening Post, in February 1776. It served as a warning to other potential
Loyalists: not only did Major General Schuyler assemble an army at a moment’s
notice to go after Sir John Johnson, but he could do it again to go after you,
so take heed.
Despite the enormous show of
force, a conservative reading of these events would suggest that Schuyler was
actually quite lenient and respectful with Sir Johnson.
The initial terms presented to
Sir John read “General Schuyler, out of personal respect to Sir John, and from
a regard to his rank, consents that Sir John shall retain for his own use, a
complete set of armour [sic], and as much powder as may be sufficient for his
domestic purposes.” On January 19, when Schuyler sent Sir John the final terms,
he allowed for Sir Johnson to retain “the few favorite family arms,” as well as
his side arms.[xviii]
Despite the fact that the goal of the entire expedition was to seize all of Sir
John’s weapons and ammunition, Schuyler gave him permission to keep some for
personal use and sentiment.
Philip Schuyler also concerned himself with the welfare of Lady Mary Johnson, Sir Johnson’s wife. When he first wrote to Sir Johnson that he would be heading towards Johnstown with the militia, Schuyler asked Sir John “to assure Lady Johnson, that whatever may be the Results of what is now in agitation, she may rest perfectly satisfied that no Indignity will be offered her.”[xix] And again, when Sir John refused to accept terms and Schuyler said he would march to Johnson Hall, he sent a passport to allow Lady Johnson to leave before the troops arrived.[xx] In contrast, Schuyler refused to make any provisions for the women and children among the Scottish Highlanders who would be taken prisoner, and even expected them to report with the men to deliver up arms, to which Sir Johnson noted that “women and children to be required, a requisition so inhuman as we hope the General will dispense with.”[xxi] Lady Johnson was protected by her status and the rules of high society, but many other women and children without a standing in society could not expect such considerations.
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| Lady Johnson |
Major General Philip Schuyler and
Sir John Johnson were very similar in many ways – wealthy men with large,
landed estates, family legacies, and strong political ties, including with
Indigenous nations. They were peers, and had the American Revolutionary War not
broken out, they would likely have continued to live very similar lives.
Schuyler was biased towards people of his class, and many of his soldiers
complained about his disdain for the average troops. In January 1776, Schuyler
seems to have let these biases influence his treatment of Sir Johnson and his
family, despite his allegiance with the Crown. Due to this leniency, Sir Johnson
was able to maintain power and influence in Tryon County – and would, in only a
few short months, attempt to build an army of men loyal to the king.
Check our blog later this year
for a follow up discussion of the second raid on Johnson Hall that took place
in May of 1776.
[i] Letter, Committee of Congress to Philip Schuyler,
January 1, 1776. Published in Letters of Delegates to Congress, January
1-May 15, 1776. Paul H. Smith, Editor, 1978.
[ii] See Minutes from the Albany Committee of
Correspondence, July 22, 1775.
[iii] Letter, Tryon County Committee to Philip Schuyler,
January 11, 1776. NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[iv] Philip Schuyler, General Orders, January 15, 1776. Orderly
Book of Philip John Schuyler, 1775, June 28-1776, April 18, New York, Fort
Ticonderoga, Albany, Fort St. George., Manuscripts, Huntington Digital
Library.
[v] Minutes of Albany Committee of Correspondence,
January 15, 1776.
[vi] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Sir John Johnson, January
16, 1775. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[vii] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Continental Congress,
January 23, 1776. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[viii] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Continental Congress,
January 23, 1776. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[ix] Pennsylvania Evening Post, February 8, 1776.
[x] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Continental Congress,
January 23, 1776. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[xi] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Sir John Johnson and Allen
McDonald, January 19, 1776. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[xii] Philip Schuyler, General Orders, January 20, 1776. Orderly
Book of Philip John Schuyler, 1775, June 28-1776, April 18, New York, Fort
Ticonderoga, Albany, Fort St. George., Manuscripts, Huntington Digital
Library.
[xiii] Schuyler recruited militia from the Albany area and
along his route to Johnson Hall, amassing a body of about 2000 men. He was
joined by Col. Nicholas Herkimer, who was in command of an additional 1000
militiamen from Tryon County.
[xiv] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Sir John Johnson, January
21, 1776. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[xv] Journals of the Continental Congress, February 5,
1776.
[xvi] Littell’s Living Age, Fifth Series, Volume L,
1885, p. 475.
[xvii] Dubin Edelberg, Cynthia. Jonathan Odell, Loyalist
Poet of the American Revolution. Duke University Press, 1987, p. 38.
[xviii] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Sir John Johnson and Allen
McDonald, January 19, 1776. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[xix] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Sir John Johnson, January
16, 1775. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[xx] Letter, Philip Schuyler to Sir John Johnson and Allen
McDonald, January 17, 1776. In Letterbook 1, NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers.
[xxi] Pennsylvania Evening Post, February 8, 1776.
