Black History Month in Review: The Little Details

When we tell the history of the enslaved, the focus is sometimes on large, sweeping stories as opposed to smaller, more individualized ones. While there are smaller details in the archives to draw from, they often aren’t enough on their own. They require research and contextualization that can be daunting to the untrained historian, but, with practice and patience, the stories that unfold are rich and vital. The most important thing is to talk about the possibilities these details offer us.

Below we’ve highlighted a handful of individuals and told their stories through what little details we know. We took those details and tried to expand them into a more complete image that gives us a glance into a specific moment in their lives. While there is so much we don’t know, it’s important to highlight and discuss what we do know.

This is Black History Month of 2025 in review.

Britt

Botanical illustration of ginger plant from 
'The beauties of creation, or, a new moral
system of natural history; in five volumes: 
consisting of quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and 
reptiles, trees and flowers, vol. 5, trees' 
Printed by George Riley.

In April of 1787, Britt was prescribed multiple medications by the Schuylers’ doctor. She was given liniment sapo, camphor gum, and ginger. On their own, the first two medications were used to treat pain, and could suggest treatment of injuries caused by repetitive motion, such as hauling water or sewing. But ginger was commonly prescribed to induce labor—a speculation further confirmed when, two months later, a stomach soothing medication was prescribed to “Britt’s child.” This receipt allows us to say more that “Britt had a baby.” We know she took ginger to induce her labor and took medication for the pain it caused. We know her child may have suffered from stomach aches as an infant. A singular receipt has shed light on this important moment in Britt’s life and allowed us a more personal glimpse into her world.

Stephen and Peter

This story comes to us via a 1775 letter written by Dr. Samuel Stringer, doctor to and friend of the Schuylers. The letter discusses the present state of affairs with the Six Nations, who had recently visited Albany as part of a peace negotiation.

Engraving of Six Nations people trading with 
Europeans (1722) by French artist Bacqueville 
de La Potherie.

In Dr. Stringer’s letter, he mentioned that “by some of [illegible] Schuyler Family, of whom we got long Stephen and Peter [illegible], and sent by them to antient belts of Aliance as tokens of the Old Covenants…” The two men mentioned in the letter, Stephen and Peter, were enslaved by the Schuylers. They had been sent to German Flatts carrying what was most likely wampum belts, which were essential in establishing continuing relations between the colonists and the Six Nations. The bringing of the “antient belts of Aliance” to the Six Nations would have been a major signifier from the colonial settlement of Albany that peace and communication were desired. This letter gives us a glimpse into an important trip Stephen and Peter took, and the knowledge that they played a role in an important diplomatic mission.

Will, Britt, Susannah, and Herry

View of Dutch Reformed Church in Albany prior to being
torn down in 1806.

Now we turn our focus to Will—a father separated from his family.

One of the very few mentions of Will is from the Albany Dutch Reformed Church, where he was recorded as “Serv. of P. Schuyler”* for a special occasion—the baptism of his daughter. On March 4^th, 1772, Will and Britt, who was enslaved by the Ten Broeck family, baptized their daughter Susannah. Normally separated by two miles, the church was the midway point where they could reunite as a family.

Two years after the birth of their daughter Susannah, Will and Britt welcomed a second child, Herry, into their family. Herry was baptized on June 26^th, 1774. While there are no known records about Herry, Will, or Britt after the baptisms, Susannah was eventually manumitted by the Ten Broeck family. Susannah’s children, Dinah, Susan, and Mary were manumitted alongside their mother in 1811, under steep conditions on their freedom. When their enslaver, Elizabeth Ten Broeck, died in 1813, the family was freed without condition.

*”servant” was used interchangeably with “slave” in the 18^th century

Protecting the Saratoga House

Drawing of Schuyler House, Schuylerville, New York
from 1887 by artist Ernest C. Peixotto.

Finally, we focus on the contents of a letter Philip Schuyler wrote to Governor George Clinton on April 17^th, 1778.

During the fall of 1777, the Battles of Saratoga tore through Philip Schuyler’s Saratoga estate. His home was burnt alongside much of his farmland, but, within weeks, Schuyler rebuilt his house. In a letter to Governor George Clinton, Schuyler wrote: “I do not however mean to bring away my Servants as I shall erect a picket Fort round my House and let them, if possible, keep it ….” Schuyler didn’t mention any enslaved people by name, but referred to a collective group of them as “Servants,” a common 18^th century phrase for enslaved people. Schuyler planned to erect a “Fort” around his house, which likely meant he wished to build a protective structure to guard it from an attack. Schuyler told Clinton that he would leave the enslaved people there in an attempt to protect the house.

It's unknown if the enslaved people were provided weapons while they were protecting the house. Perhaps they felt fear, but perhaps they also felt some freedom in not being watched by Schuyler. Regardless, these men and women were on the front lines of an attack, should one come—a huge weight for anyone to bear, let alone someone potentially fighting on behalf of property and freedom they didn’t own.

Schuyler's Stressful Summer of 1777

 by Kayla Whitehouse

The summer of 1777 had the potential to be a time of great success and distinction for Philip Schuyler. He had been newly re-appointed as Commander of the Northern Department of the Continental Army and was a candidate for Governor of New York. But in June, his life veered into a downward spiral as he was overwhelmed with military concerns – particularly at Fort Ticonderoga – as well as personal difficulties at his home in Albany. As a result, the early summer of 1777 was likely one of the most stressful times of Schuyler’s life.

Schuyler had recently overcome great difficulty. He and General Horatio Gates had been vying for control of the Northern Department, and General Gates, in charge of the troops in Canada, had just been given command of Fort Ticonderoga in March. However, the Continental Congress passed a resolution to reinstate Schuyler as Commander of the Northern Department on May 22, 1777, putting him back in charge of the garrison.

Gates was then given leave to decide his own future in the Continental Army – he could either remain in the Northern Department and report to Schuyler, or work directly under General George Washington. Philip Schuyler wrote to General Gates on June 4^th to inform him that he had been made Commander and asked to meet. They needed to discuss the state of the garrison, and any intelligence Gates possessed. Schuyler and Gates seemingly corresponded right away, as Schuyler wrote a letter to the Congress detailing his plans the next day. He wrote: “General Gates having signified to me his Disinclination to remain in this Department, I have found It necessary to send General St.Clair to take the Command at Tyonderoga [sic], he left this toDay together with Brig^r Fermois and I propose to follow him as soon as I have got matters in such Train as that the Service will not suffer by my Absence from hence.”[i]

Over the next few days, Schuyler prepared for his command of the garrison before he left Albany. He reviewed reports that were sent to him, including the count of the troops and provisions. Based on the reports, Fort Ticonderoga was in disarray – poorly staffed and inadequately supplied. The few men they had garrisoned there lacked clothing – some of them were even barefoot – and had no blankets or tents to sleep in. There were not enough provisions, and a lack of salt meant that the fresh meat they had in store was spoiled.[ii]

Schuyler wrote repeatedly to Congress and General Washington during the month of June, trying to get more meat, clothing, blankets, tools, artillery, and reinforcements. His predecessor, General Gates, had also written to Washington about the lack of adequate supplies and shelter at Ticonderoga, but his pleas were similarly unanswered. In a letter written to Washington on May 24^th, 1777, Gates had noted that the barracks at Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, just across a narrow section of Lake Champlain, could only hold 1000 men between them – a paltry sum compared to what was needed for an adequate defense force. They had no tents, and the “hutts” that had been built at the fort, which were only intended to be temporary shelters, were in ruins.[iii] The count of troops at the end of June listed about 4183 men,[iv][v] which meant that many of their men were forced to sleep outside on the ground, uncovered, and without proper provisions.

Map of Fort Ticonderoga (below) and Mount Independence
 (above) showing the pontoon bridge connecting the two Garrisons.

Schuyler left Albany on June 12^th to travel north and see Ticonderoga for himself. He stopped along the way at his house in Saratoga and spent several days there. During this time, Schuyler received reports that the British forces, led by General Burgoyne, were approaching Ticonderoga. Schuyler shared this information with the Continental Congress and General Washington and requested field cannons and reinforcements. He later relayed to Washington that he had become increasingly concerned General Burgoyne’s troops would attack Ticonderoga, and though there were enough men to hold the post, they would not be able to split their defense and prevent communications from being cut off. Without a clear path for communications, they would have no way to call for reinforcements, or even to alert Washington to an attack.

While at Saratoga, Schuyler was also kept busy with numerous other letters and duties. His men sent constant letters asking for his help: soldiers wanting their pay and rations, men who felt they were are being mistreated by the army, prisoners of war who wanted his help getting released, and commanders of other forts asking for help getting supplies. These small matters would have kept Schuyler occupied even while he waited for reinforcements or news.

The first gubernatorial election for New York also distracted Schuyler from his military duties. Schuyler had been nominated for governor, and was up against Brigadier General George Clinton, Brigadier General John Morin Scott, and John Jay. The election began on June 1^st and continued through the end of the month. As Schuyler waited for what was potentially life and career changing news, issues continued to arise with the army.

On June 15^th, General St. Clair sent a captured spy, William Amsbury, to Saratoga. Amsbury had been caught by a scouting party with a letter from Peter Livius, the Chief Justice of Quebec, addressed to Major General John Sullivan (who Livius thought was in charge of Ticonderoga). The letter attempted to convince Sullivan to join the British and give up Fort Ticonderoga. Amsbury had also been caught with a pass from the British Army allowing him to go behind British lines “on Secret Service.”[vi] Schuyler interrogated him for several hours at Saratoga before he was sent to Albany to be executed as a spy. He relayed the intelligence he’d gotten from Amsbury to General Washington with the note: “If the Information which Amsbury gives is to be relied upon, as I think it is, we shall soon be attacked at [Ticonderoga].”[vii]

Washington did not receive this letter until June 20^th, when he responded hesitantly: “Supposing the plan mentioned in Amsbury’s Evidence to be true; I cannot concieve that it will be in the power of the Enemy to carry it into Execution. But to provide against all Events, I have ordered General Putnam to hold four Massachusetts Regiments in Readiness at Peek’s Kill, to go up the River at a Moments Warning, and to order Sloops from Albany, which are to be kept for that purpose.”[viii] Peekskill is located about 200 miles south of Fort Ticonderoga, along the Hudson River, however, too far for troops to quickly arrive at Ticonderoga. On the same day, Washington wrote to Major General Israel Putnam that “as the alarm may very likely prove false, until we have fuller evidence that such an event is about to take place, I do not think it adviseable to lessen our force on this quarter, by sending them to where they may perhaps not be wanted.” He did, however, ask Putnam to have four regiments stand ready to move as reinforcements.[ix]

When Schuyler arrived at Ticonderoga on June 17^th, he ordered a meeting with the officers in his charge to discuss the state of the fort. Among other things, they noted that the 2500 men stationed there and at Mount Independence were “greatly inadequate to the defence of both posts,” and that if they had to choose to retreat from one of the forts, they should retreat from Fort Ticonderoga first. They decided to move any unnecessary supplies to Mount Independence and work on reinforcing the post there. They also requested more provisions as they only had 39 days’ worth of meat.[x] Schuyler left Ticonderoga on June 23^rd, to go to Fort George, located on Lake George, and had a number of supplies and provisions sent back, most notably sixty days’ worth of meat.[xi]

In his letters from June 25^th and 26^th, Schuyler told General Washington and the Continental Congress that he was more concerned now that General Burgoyne’s troops would either make a serious attack on Fort Ticonderoga, or that they were acting as a diversion, and a serious attack would be made on New Hampshire or the Mohawk River. There was concern General Burgoyne’s army would also focus on cutting off communications from Fort George and Fort Edward. Schuyler requested more supplies and reinforcements. He also shared a report he’d received from General St. Clair of an attack on Fort George by 1000 Canadians.[xii] In a personal note to John Hancock, the President of the Continental Congress, Schuyler wrote he’d caught someone at Saratoga attempting to burn down his house. Luckily, the house was not badly damaged.[xiii]

On June 27^th, Schuyler left Saratoga to return to his home in Albany. On the way, he was met with a letter from his father-in-law, Johannes Van Rensselaer. He informed Schuyler that his eldest daughter, Angelica (1756-1814), had eloped with John Carter, the man who was at Schuyler’s home auditing his military accounts.

The next day, Schuyler received word that British forces had arrived at Crown Point, about ten miles north of Ticonderoga, on Lake Champlain. He wrote to General St. Clair that a real attack on Ticonderoga appeared most likely, and that he intended to return north with militia. He also received word of an attack by the British at Fort Stanwix and Fort Oswego. He spent his day sending letters, sharing the reports, and asking for reinforcements.[xiv]

Two days later, on June 29^th, the Van Rensselaers sent a letter to Philip and their daughter, Catharine, inviting them to dinner. John Carter, whose real name was John Barker Church, wrote a letter to Walter Livingston detailing his marriage and the resulting events. He wrote that the Schuylers responded that they had other company for dinner, but might be able to visit after.[xv] Before the Schuylers could make it to the Van Rensselaers’ for the meeting, they accidentally met the Churches at the docks. Church described the dramatic moment when he and Angelica were returning to Crailo, the Van Rensselaer homestead in Green Bush (now Rensselaer, N.Y.), from Albany. They had arrived at the ferry stop at the same time as the Schuylers and, after a small, silent face-off, Philip and Catharine returned home without having spoken to the Van Rensselaers or the Churches.[xvi]

Map of NY counties in 1775 showing the location of Tryon County

Schuyler could not dwell only on his daughter’s elopement, though, because the following day, he received a messenger with news that enemy troops had gotten through Oswego and were headed west toward Tryon County. Although he did not have a full account of how many men were killed or taken prisoner, he wrote several letters to spread the news, including one to General Washington requesting reinforcements and military supplies.[xvii]

That same afternoon, Philip and Catharine traveled across the Hudson River to her girlhood home, Crailo, to visit the family, including his brand-new son-in-law, John Church. Church, in his letter to Walter Livingston on July 2^nd, wrote that Schuyler was quiet during their visit, but while he “scarcely spoke a dozen Words all the Time, Mrs. S[chuyler] was in a most violent Passion and said all that Rage of Resentment could inspire.”[xviii] However, since, as Schuyler wrote to General Heath the next day, “the Enemy have opened the Campaign in every Quarter in this Department,”[xix] it is easy to imagine that his mind may have been elsewhere.

Schuyler’s father-in-law wrote him a letter on June 30^th, chastising him for ignoring the newlyweds. So when Schuyler received another letter from John Church the next day, he responded, and invited him and Angelica to visit at the mansion. Church wrote about their “cool” reception at the Schuylers’ home, describing how he spoke with Catharine about the “great deal of pain” they had caused, and he “then went to the General who was in the Hall and begged him to forget what was past.” Schuyler expressed his disappointment in how the elopement had happened, but agreed to move past it.[xx]

In our previous blog post, "'exceedingly disagreeable to me:' Angelica Schuyler's Elopement," we wrote that Church perceived the Schuylers’ “coolness” as reluctance to accept him and his marriage to Angelica. Schuyler himself wrote about the event differently in a letter to his friend, William Duer, on July 3^rd. He wrote “I frowned, I made them humble themselves and forgave and called them home.”[xxi] John Church’s letter was very detailed, and clearly showed how distressed he was about the situation, but Schuyler was much more reserved in his description, making it harder to sense his true intentions. Perhaps Schuyler wrote this way to give himself the upper hand in the situation, or perhaps he was afraid of upsetting Johannes van Rensselaer (as Church thought). It’s also possible he had finally been won over by their apologies. However, Church’s description of meeting Schuyler “in the Hall” makes it easy to imagine Church leaving the parlor where he had been talking with Catharine (room 102 or 106 on the diagram below) and finding Schuyler just outside the library (room 103) attached to his office (an exterior structure no longer extant), his mind occupied by troops a hundred miles away. Even though Schuyler did tell Duer “anxiety … and fatigue seem to make me thrive,”[xxii] perhaps accepting his new son-in-law was a way to remove at least one source of stress from his life.

In the same letter to Duer, Schuyler wrote that “happily for me” General Clinton had won the gubernatorial election,[xxiii] so although the final results were not officially announced until July 9^th, he at least had one less burden on his shoulders at that point.

 

Schuyler spent the next few days anxiously waiting for the reinforcements at Albany. While other tasks did require his notice, such as arranging a meeting of the Six Nations to happen on July 15^th, and writing to the Governor of Tryon County regarding his concerns about the Indigenous people there, most of Schuyler’s letters from the first few days of July revolved around his hopes for the soldiers to arrive. Even John Church’s letter to Walter Livingston on July 3^rd about his elopement closed with a mention of General Schuyler going “to Fort Edward as soon as the troops he sent for arrive.”[xxiv] Troops were seemingly at the front of everyone’s mind. By July 6^th, Schuyler decided he could wait no longer for word of troops and traveled north to Fort Edward. He left a letter at Albany for the soldiers to follow.[xxv]^{, [xxvi]}

 

Ultimately, the reinforcements did not arrive in time. Schuyler received word at Fort Edward on July 7^th that General St. Clair had ordered the retreat from Fort Ticonderoga. Schuyler was left in confusion and frustration as St. Clair and his men disappeared during their retreat, not reappearing until they arrived at Fort Edward on July 12^th. Colonel Long, in charge of a regiment under General St. Clair, was headed to Skenesborough with his men from Fort Ticonderoga, but their boats were overtaken, and they lost all their supplies. He then retreated from Fort Ann against Schuyler’s direct orders, leading to its loss to the British on July 8^th. Schuyler eventually found himself at Fort Edward with even less supplies and provisions than he’d had before, and the ones that he had begged for all through June were now in the hands of the British. As another source of stress to him, there were rumors circulating that Schuyler himself had ordered the evacuation of Ticonderoga. He wrote to General Washington daily, keeping the Commander-in-Chief in the loop. Schuyler was not only sharing news, but once again begging him for reinforcements and supplies. When Washington finally got the news on July 12^th (in a letter from Schuyler dated July 7^th), he replied “I will suspend my Opinion upon the propriety of this very extraordinary and sudden Evacuation until I hear something from General St Clair, for, in Truth it is altogether unaccountable—I most sincerely wish it was in my power to supply all your Demands but it shall be done as far as lays in my power.”[xxvii] There were not any more supplies to send and General Washington, it seemed, was cautious of sending supplies which would be better used elsewhere.

 

Although Schuyler did not complain in his letters about the delay in sending troops, Washington addressed it regardless. In the same letter from July 12^th, he said:

 

Your Demand of a further Reinforcement of Troops was fully taken into Consideration by a Board of all the General Officers of this Army. Had our Numbers been as respectable as could have been wished it would not have taken a Moment to deliberate upon the propriety of detaching a further and more considerable Force from this Army or peek’s Kill: but when we considered that weakening ourselves in a material Manner would make us an easy prey for General Howe, who, tho’ he has embarked the greatest part of his Army still lays under Staten Island, and might suddenly reland, it was the unanimous Opinion of the Board that no more than the Remainder of Nixon’s Brigade who are on their Way to peek’s Kill, could be spared at present.[xxviii]

 

Map showing the campaign of 1777. 
Courtesy of the United States Military Academy Department of History.

Perhaps the result would have been different if the post were not so delayed – letters took anywhere from 3 to 7 days to reach Washington from Schuyler, and the orders for men to march north simply came too late. When Washington finally ordered troops to head to Ticonderoga on July 6^th, he had just received Schuyler’s report from June 30^th. It took more time still until General Nixon, in charge of the troops at Peekskill, received the orders, and the men did not set sail up the Hudson River until July 8^th, after the fort had already been evacuated. They did not arrive at Albany until July 12^th, a full week after the loss of the fort.[xxix]

The loss of Fort Ticonderoga greatly affected Schuyler’s military career, and was used by his political opponents as an excuse to oust him and reinstate General Gates. On Friday, August 1, 1777, the Continental Congress resolved that “Major General Schuyler be directed to repair to head quarters,” and “That General Washington be directed to order such general officer as he shall think proper, immediately to repair to the northern department, to relieve Major General Schuyler in his command there.”[xxx] Washington requested that he not have to make the appointment himself, so the Continental Congress voted on Schuyler’s replacement. General Horatio Gates was chosen to resume the position of Commander of the Northern Department once again.[xxxi]

 

Both General St. Clair and General Schuyler were court martialed in 1778 for their actions that led up to the loss of Fort Ticonderoga. St. Clair was charged with neglect of duty, cowardice, treachery, inattention to the progress of the enemy, and “shamefully” abandoning his posts. After several weeks of trial, where he sought to prove his actions were sound, he was eventually cleared of all charges.

 

Schuyler was charged with “Neglect of Duty, in not being present at Ticonderoga to discharge the functions of his command.” Interestingly, they noted that the charges are not because General St. Clair retreated, but because Philip Schuyler should have retreated sooner, so that they did not lose their supplies. Schuyler was acquitted of all charges, since as Commander of the Northern Department, he had the right to establish his Headquarters wherever he liked, including in Albany, and did not have to be present at Ticonderoga at all times. [xxxii]

 

Washington tried to get Schuyler to resume a position with the army, even offering him the command of the Northern Department again, but Schuyler refused. He had mentioned the idea of resigning before and used this opportunity to do so. As Schuyler wrote in a letter to John Jay on November 6, 1777, “My hobby horse has long been a country life; I dismounted once with reluctance, and now saddle him again...and hope to canter him on to the end of the journey of life.” He resigned in December 1778, as soon as Congress had confirmed his acquittal.[xxxiii] Although Schuyler did not resume command of the Northern Department again, he continued to serve the American cause, most notably by serving as a member of the Continental Congress, and later as a New York State Senator.

---

[i] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 158.

[ii] The proceedings of Schuyler’s Court Martial in 1778 include, as a part of his defense, a number of letters that Schuyler wrote starting in the fall of 1776, trying to arrange provisions for 5000 men, clothing, blankets, tools, wagons or carts, wood, nails, pitch and tar, cannon, and ammunition, etc. to fully stock and supply the Northern Department. He also ordered new defenses and work buildings to be built on Mount Independence. Supply shortages and delays in transport prevented the forts from being properly outfitted.

[iii] “To George Washington from Major General Horatio Gates, 24 May 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-09-02-0510. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 9, 28 March 1777 – 10 June 1777, ed. Philander D. Chase. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999, pp. 514–516.]

[iv] "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at White Plains, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General St. Clair, August 25, 1778. Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12772.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[v] In the same letter to Congress on July 8, 1777, when Schuyler informed them of his decision to send St. Clair to Ticonderoga, he also noted the lack of provisions. He had determined that “only 337 Barrels of Provision of the Meat Kind have been forwarded to Tyonderoga [sic] since the 26^th. of March and no Fresh Beef; so that the Stock of Salted Provisions since that time is considerably diminished nor is there any considerable Quantity provided in the Country.” A barrel of meat is about 400 pounds, which would work out to approximately 134,800 pounds of meat that were shipped to Ticonderoga in that time. Soldiers received either 1 pound of beef or fish or ¾ pound of pork per day for their rations (beef given three days a week, pork three days a week, and fish once each week). That would provide about 1300 provisions of meat a day in that time period, not enough to sustain the men garrisoned there appropriately. (see Joseph Trumbull’s Estimate of a Daily Ration from November 1775, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-02-02-0375-0002).

[vi] Nagy, John A. “British Spy Plot to Capture Fort Ticonderoga in 1777,” Journal of the American Revolution, 2014, https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/02/british-spy-plot-to-capture-fort-ticonderoga-in-1777/

[vii] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 179.

[viii] “From George Washington to Major General Philip Schuyler, 20 June 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0089. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 90–92.]

[ix] “From George Washington to Major General Israel Putnam, 20 June 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0088. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 88–89.]

[x] "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at Major General Lincoln's quarters, near Quaker-Hill, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General Schuyler, October 1, 1778, Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12773.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xi] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 183.

[xii] “To George Washington from Major General Philip Schuyler, 25 June 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0127. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 127–128.]

[xiii] The house was later successfully burnt down on October 10, 1777, by General Burgoyne’s forces after their defeat at the Battle of Saratoga. It would be rebuilt in 29 days.

[xiv] Letter from Major General Arthur St. Clair, to Major General Philip Schuyler, July 1, 1777, copied in "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at Major General Lincoln's quarters, near Quaker-Hill, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General Schuyler, October 1, 1778, Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12773.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xv] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xvi] Ibid.

[xvii] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c.

[xviii] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xix] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 215.

[xx] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xxi] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "1777-1780" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1777 - 1780. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/645dd2b0-9d59-0134-5478-00505686a51c, pp. 59.

[xxii] Ibid.

[xxiii] Ibid.

[xxiv] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.

[xxv] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "Letterbook 3" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776 - 1778. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/12237260-9322-0134-4ea4-00505686a51c, pp. 233.

[xxvi] “the whole force in Ticonderoga, on the 5th of July, 1777, was 5639 men and officers, of which a number, not exceeding 639, could be considered as sick,” "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at White Plains, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General St. Clair, August 25, 1778. Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12772.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xxvii] “From George Washington to Major General Philip Schuyler, 12 July 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-10-02-0257. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 10, 11 June 1777 – 18 August 1777, ed. Frank E. Grizzard, Jr. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000, pp. 261–262.]

[xxviii] Ibid.

[xxix] Forgotten Warrior Brigadier General John Nixon, Harry Schenawolf, https://revolutionarywarjournal.com/brigadier-general-john-nixon/.

[xxx] United States Continental Congress, et al. Journals of the Continental Congress, -1789. Washington, U.S. Govt. print off., -37, 1904. Pdf. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/item/05000059/, pp. 595-596.

[xxxi] Ibid., pp. 601-603.

[xxxii] "Proceedings of a general court martial, held at Major General Lincoln's quarters, near Quaker-Hill, in the state of New-York, by order of His Excellency General Washington, commander in chief of the army of the United States of America, for the trial of Major General Schuyler, October 1, 1778, Major General Lincoln, president." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N12773.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed January 16, 2025.

[xxxiii] Schuyler resigned his position in December 1778, but that resignation was not accepted by Congress until April 1779. He then rejoined the Continental Congress as a delegate.

"exceedingly disagreeable to me:" Angelica Schuyler's Elopement

 by Heather Damia 

Portrait miniature of John Barker Church
(1748-181) by an unnamed artist. 

On the 23^rd of June, 1777, Angelica Schuyler married John Barker Church. The marriage drew outrage from Angelica’s parents, Philip and Catharine Schuyler, who had not given their permission for the union, and the elopement sparked a dramatic conflict involving three generations of the family. Throughout days of heated arguments, cold disregard, and threats of disinheriting, Angelica and her parents almost never spoke face-to-face. Negotiations happened largely through Angelica’s grandparents, and nearly all direct communication between the Schuylers and their daughter happened through letters. The eldest Schuyler daughter was the first to marry, and she set a precedent for many of her younger siblings, three of whom followed her example in ignoring their parents’ wishes regarding their romantic lives.

John Barker Church was certainly not an ideal suitor for a daughter of one of the most important families in Albany. At the time, the Englishman was in debt, and worked as an auditor for the Continental Army under the alias “John Carter.” Because he was known in New York under this false identity, rather than under his true name, John was very secretive with details regarding his background, his family, and his past. Specific information about his family or connections back in England ran the threat of revealing the falsehood of the “John Carter” identity, so he was limited in what he could reveal without causing issues for himself with both his family and his new acquaintances. Shortly after the elopemnet, Philip Schuyler aired his frustrations in a letter to William Duer, a friend who was also involved in the ongoing revolution. Philip cited his lack of knowledge regarding the suitor’s background as a major objection to the marriage, and possibly the primary reason he was opposed to it: “Carter & my oldest daughter ran off and married on the 23^rd inst., unacquainted with his family, his connections and situation in life, the match was exceedingly disagreeable to me and I had signified it to him.” [1] While John’s true identity was eventually revealed to his in-laws, they continue to refer to him as “Carter” in letters for quite some time, so it is unclear when his real name was made known to them. 

Not much is definitively known regarding the courtship of John Barker Church and Angelica Schuyler. They likely met in 1776, perhaps when “John Carter” was part of a group selected to audit the accounts of the Northern Department, which was under Philip Schuyler’s command as a major general, but the details of their first meeting and subsequent relationship are few and far between. It appears that prior to the elopement, Angelica and John’s relationship wasn’t a secret romance. Philip’s inclination to “signify” his disapproval of the match to John hints at the Schuylers’ awareness of Angelica and John’s courtship. This may imply that the young couple asked for permission to marry—and were denied. The lack of permission did not deter them. They eloped on June 23^rd, 1777, when John was 28 years of age, and Angelica was 21. This development came at a particularly bad time for Philip, who had recently lost the election for governor, and who was struggling both militarily and politically. His letter to Duer also features extensive complaints about the state of politics at the time, and frustration with his loss, which he felt was unjust. The elopement was yet another unpleasant surprise to return home to.

Angelica Schuyler Church circa 1780s,
attributed to Richard Cosway.

Naturally, Angelica’s parents reacted rather poorly to the marriage. Their objections were so strong that it seems they cast out their own daughter in anger. At the very least, they made her feel unwelcome enough that she, along with her husband, left the house to find another place to stay. The newlyweds sought the aid of Angelica’s maternal grandfather, Johannes van Rensselaer, who lived across the Hudson River from Schuyler Mansion at Fort Crailo in “Greenbush” (current day Rensselaer) with his wife, Catharine’s stepmother. In a letter to Walter Livingston dated to July 2^nd, John explained: “we stopped at GreenBush on Thursday Afternoon, where we were received by the amiable and venerable Proprietors with the Greatest Friendship and cordiality and instantly heard Promises of all their influence being exerted in our favor.” [2] Their hosts were very generous, and their treatment of the young couple was “beyond description charming and affectionate”—a stark contrast to the coldness of Philip and Catharine Schuyler.

The van Rensselaers quickly made good on their promise to help the new Mr. and Mrs. Church. In the same letter, John detailed days worth of peacemaking attempts on the part of Angelica’s grandfather and his wife. Their first attempt to encourage reconciliation was to pass along a letter from Angelica and her husband to Philip and Catharine, who were residing at their home in Saratoga at the time. John wrote: “The General and Mrs S had not arrived here and Mrs. Rennsillear desired the major to go with our Letter to Saratoga. Next morning; he met them at Stillwater coming down on Friday, they took the letter and sent him on…” This effort to connect with Angelica’s parents seems to have been in vain, however. Philip and Catharine returned from Albany and took up residence across the river at Schuyler Mansion that very afternoon, but the letter received no response, either that day or the next. Initial attempts at reconciliation were met with silence. 

A 20th century postcard depicting Fort Crailo.
This was Catharine Van Rensselaer Schuyler’s
childhood home and the location at which
Angelica Schuyler Church and her husband,
John Barker Church, took refuge after they
were exiled for their elopement. 

The slight did not go unnoticed. While Mrs. van Rensselaer encouraged her husband to visit the Schuylers to talk and “make Peace,” he was less willing to extend the olive branch. He believed that “it was his Daughter’s Duty to come to him,” and refused to send for her on the grounds that “her Duty ought to bring her [there] without sending.” Eventually, van Rensselaer yielded to his wife’s wishes, and sent a letter to his daughter and son-in-law inviting them to dinner at his home. After sending this message, he suggested that Angelica and John spend dinner time in Albany rather than with them at the house in Rensselaer—a request that John interpreted as a suggestion to make themselves scarce while Angelica’s parents were visiting in order to avoid further conflict between them. More letters were exchanged to negotiate the time of the meeting, and the Schuylers agreed to visit, but the visit never actually took place. By 8 o’clock that evening, the Schuylers still had not arrived, and the Churches decided to return to Crailo. As they approached the ferry from Albany back across the river, they caught sight of the Schuylers, also seemingly on their way to the very same ferry. Upon seeing their daughter and son-in-law, Philip and Catharine turned back and returned home without ever going to Crailo.

Portrait of Philip Schuyler, Angelica Schuyler
Church’s father, from 1792 by artist John Trumbull.

They tried again on Monday—the Churches once again fled into Albany to leave a clear path for the Schuylers to visit Crailo, and this time, the meeting actually occurred. Unfortunately, John’s letter described it as a very tense exchange:

[…] the General scarcely spoke a dozen Words all the Time, Mrs S was in almost violent Passion and said all that Rage of Resentment could inspire…she exasperated [van Rensselaer], and he told her that he didn’t know who she took after, he was sure not after her Father and Mother…and that he was convinced I would make his child an affectionate Husband, that they might do as they please, but if they would not be reconciled to us, he would look upon us as his Children and that we should stay at his House…

An outburst from Mrs. Schuyler was met with a sharp rebuke from her father: a threat to “look upon [the Churches] as his Children,” possibly suggesting that Catharine’s inheritance could be given to her estranged daughter in her stead. The Schuylers insisted that Angelica and her husband should have talked to them when they encountered one another on Sunday, and should have written to them again, but the van Rensselaers argued that the young couple could not be expected to send more letters when their first had been ignored. The negotiations were ultimately concluded when the Schuylers finally agreed to respond to any messages the Churches sent. They did as they had promised, and while John described their responses as cold, they did agree to have their daughter and son-in-law for a visit at Schuyler Mansion.

John described the Schuylers as treating him and his wife “as cooly as their letter promised.” He presented a rather dramatic and emotional meeting, in which he begged Catharine to accept them back into the family, and implored Philip to “forget what was past.” From Philip’s point of view, however, this meeting seemed to have been largely a formality. Philip’s letter to William Duer stated: “as there is no untying this gordian knot I took what I hope you will think the prudent part: I frowned, I made them humble themselves forgave and called them home.” Philip described the meeting as something of a power play—an assertion of authority over his daughter and son-in-law to make them feel as though they must “humble themselves” to earn his approval. Despite this show of authority, it seems his mind was settled on forgiveness before the Churches arrived and made their declarations. Philip’s conversation with his father-in-law and the negotiations via letters were seemingly enough to settle him on this course, but the conversation allowed him to set himself in a position of power over the man who ran off with his daughter, promising to “take the Freedom of giving [John] advice when he thought [he] stood in need of it with the Candor of a Parent…” John, of course, said what he knew would appease Philip: “I thanked him and told him I should be much obliged to him for it and would always pay a deference to it…” John and Angelica continued to feel unwelcome and unforgiven, believing that the Schuylers had only made peace out of “Fear of disobliging Mr R if they continue their Coldness”, but Philip, at least, claimed to have moved on and accepted the situation. 

Portrait of Angelic Schuyler Church painted circa 1785,
by artist John Trumbull. The image shows Angelica in a
peach colored dress with one of her children and a woman
who is most likely a maid or family member.

Letters were the main mode of communication in the 18th century, and enduring this
upheaval in the Schuyler family was no exception. Much of the negotiations conducted regarding the marriage occurred through letters, but, unfortunately, not all of the letters seemed to have survived to the present day. The two letters cited in this post provide a different—but still valuable—perspective, as they tell us how the men involved perceived the events. As both men wrote to someone removed from the situation, it’s possible they were more honest about their feelings in these letters than they might have been in their letters to one of the people involved in the whole affair. However, it remains unclear what the Churches and Schuylers actually said to one another in these messages back and forth across the river. What justifications might Angelica and her husband have given for their actions? Did they beg forgiveness, express regret? Were the Schuylers truly as frigid as John described them to be? The letters so central to the events of this Schuyler family story cannot provide us with intimate knowledge of how the people involved actually addressed one another. The most glaring absence is the lack of sources directly from the women: the daughter who eloped and the mother driven to “a most violent Passion” by the betrayal. The women’s reactions are described by John—“Angelica is much distressed”—but their own thoughts are notably absent in the narrative. The exact thoughts, feelings, and details surrounding the elopement may remain a mystery, but through the two different accounts, we’re at least able to reconstruct the bare bones of this dramatic chapter in the Schuyler family story. 

 

[1] Letter from Philip Schuyler to William Duer from July 3-5, 1777, in the New York Public Library Schuyler Papers. 

[2] Letter from John Barker Church to Walter Livingston from July 2, 1777.