Stepping into History: The Complicated Process of Studying A Ledger of Shoe Purchases from Cornelia van Cortlandt Schuyler

 By: Sarah Lindecke

Historians and researchers work with a myriad of written and object sources when trying to learn about topics in history. What happens, though, when sources are inaccessible because accessing them requires specialized knowledge, language skills, or transcription that are beyond a researcher’s ability? In this blog post, we will explore a ledger made for Philip Schuyler’s mother, Cornelia van Cortlandt Schuyler, for shoes purchased and repaired between 1754 and 1762. Examining this ledger will allow us to examine the challenges associated with primary sources and how researchers work through these complications.

Schuyler family home at the corner of State St. and South Pearl in the 1880s

            Cornelia van Cortlandt Schuyler was born into the interconnected and wealthy Van Cortlandt family in Manhattan. Her father was Stephanus van Cortlandt (1643-1700) and her mother was Albany native Geetruijd “Gertrude” Schuyler van Cortlandt (1654-1732). Cornelia was the youngest child born to her parents but was still a wealthy heiress expecting to inherit lands in Manhattan, as well as from her family’s manor in present day Westchester County. At twenty-five, Cornelia made an advantageous match when she married Johannes Schuyler Jr. (1697-1741). The couple lived mainly in Albany where Johannes’ family and businesses were. Johannes’ prominence would grow during the early years of their marriage, and he soon became a leader in Albany’s politics and society. Their home was a prominent house on the intersection of State and South Pearl Streets. Though no period images exist showing the house when Schuylers lived there, it remained standing until the end of the 19^th century.

            Cornelia and her husband had ten children, with only a few surviving childhood. The children who are known to have survived are: Gertrude Schuyler Cochran (1724-1813); John Schuyler (1725-1746); Philip John Schuyler (1733-1804); Cortlandt Schuyler (1735-1773); and Stephen Schuyler (1737-1820). These children were raised in the multi-generational home on State Street.

            Unfortunately for the family, Johannes Schuyler Jr. passed in 1741 at forty-four years old. He’d been a merchant and civic leader during his lifetime and was serving a term as mayor in the City of Albany at the time of his death. Cornelia was given autonomy over personal property in the household following Johannes’ death. Under English rule, this was somewhat unusual, but in the Hudson River Valley, where continued adherence to Dutch traditions offered women inheritance rights and access to autonomous ownership of property and businesses, and Cornelia was well within her rights to inherit property from her husband. By comparison, women living in more traditionally English communities expected strict legal bars on their ownership of businesses or property under the legal framework of coverture. Cornelia may have experienced her share of hardships following her husband’s death, as she was left with least five children who needed education and care. The job of raising these children fell to Cornelia but also to the enslaved in her household.

           With the setting established, we can look to a document likely created for Cornelia by her son, Philip Schuyler. This ledger was kept between 1754 and 1762, with notes from Cornelia’s estate made after her passing in 1762. The text itself is in Dutch. As Dutch settlers, Cornelia and her family were deeply connected to the language. It was common throughout New Netherland and early New York for many families to continue using Dutch as a primary language, even through the 19^th century. For researchers, this document presents the additional puzzle of considering the deviations between Dutch spoken in New Netherland and modern Dutch. In the 18^th century, the Dutch written and spoken in New York was considered “low Dutch.” Due to the natural evolution of language since the 18^th century, the Dutch used by people like Cornelia van Cortlandt Schuyler is not entirely intelligible, even by a modern native Dutch speaker. It takes time to translate documents, and for the purposes of historical research the translation needs to be done accurately. Cursory use of various translation apps can provide some direction in the process of translation, but without the nuances available only to a native speaker, the translation is not exact.

            When looking at the text of the ledger there are a few words that are repeated on many of the lines. This can help to speed up the translation process by establishing patterns. It is important to remember spelling was not yet consistent in the 18^th century. For Cornelia’s ledger, the text also has several common shorthand notes representing various things repeated in the content. In the text of the ledger, most of these markings are representative of “ditto.” This was an abbreviation meant to express the current line had the same word as the line directly above it. In the case of this ledger, most of these “ditto” marks note that the ledger continues to discuss shoes. The mark before most of the “ditto” symbols are standing in for “pair,” as in pair of shoes or boots.

            Each line generally has the same structure with a date beginning the line, followed by text that typically appears like this sample, (approximately translated to English):

1757 

Feb 8 for 1 pair shoes for Stephen                                                                                           0n 9n 0

ditto for 1 pair for Coff                                                                                                            0n 9n 0

March 14 for 1 pair for Dick                                                                                                     0n 9n 0

ditto for lappe (cobble?) for Cesar                                                                                           0n 0n 9

July 3 for 1 pair shoes for Dick                                                                                                 0n 9n 0

ditto 18 for 1 pair ditto patched for Coff                                                                                 0n 2n 0

Sept 16 for 1 pair adjusted and new heel?                                                                              0n 4n 0

Dec 19 for 1 pair for Coff                                                                                                     0n 10n 0

            This selection of lines from 1757 there are representative of the ledger as a whole document. The line for “Feb 8” lists one pair of shoes for Cornelia’s youngest son Stephen, who was twenty years old, which cost “0n 9n 0.” As this ledger comes from the period where British money was used, the columns along the right side denote value in that currency. From right to left the values are pounds, shillings, and pence, in decreasing order of value. Stephen’s shoes therefore cost 9 shillings. The sum for a new pair of shoes had seemingly risen from earlier years, as at the beginning of the ledger, 1754, a new pair of shoes was 8 shillings and at the end of the ledger, in 1762, the cost was 10 shillings.

            Reading further down in the ledge excerpt, there are two listings for July 3^rd. The first is a new pair of shoes for Dick for 9 shillings, and the second listing is repair of shoes for Coff for 2 shillings. These two people were enslaved men in Cornelia’s household. The price for Dick’s shoes is of note since it is the same as what was paid earlier in 1757 for Cornelia’s son Stephen. Oftentimes fictional accounts or popular assumptions about the clothes of enslaved people suggest that all were clothed in inferior quality items, which was not always the case. However, repairs or better-quality items provided for enslaved people did not imply that their enslavers were kind for these provisions. Dick’s labors may have necessitated Cornelia to hire a cobbler either for new shoes or repairs frequently. The names of various people who were likely enslaved are recorded throughout the ledger for the purchase of new shoes or repairs made. Dick’s name is mentioned 13 times over the period of eight years the ledger covers.

            In comparing the prices from other ledgers at the same time period, Cornelia was paying higher prices for the shoes she purchased for her household. On June 22, 1760, George Washington’s cash accounts show a payment of 6 shillings for a pair of shoes for a man listed as ‘Peter the Smith,’ likely an enslaved man working as a blacksmith. Though this price is lower than Cornelia’s, the shoes Peter may have required for his work may have been treated shoes that would protect from the hazards of blacksmithing, like sparks. A ledger kept by Elisha Blackman in Pennsylvania between 1770 and 1804, shows various purchases and wages paid to members of his family. In 1784 he paid 7 shillings and 6 pence for one pair of shoes. Since Cornelia paid 8 shillings for shoes for an enslaved man in 1756, twenty-eight years earlier, we can see, shoe prices remain somewhat steady, but that costs were higher in Albany than in other locations. The prices Cornelia paid only increased by two shillings over the course of eight years but were still higher than those paid by Washington in Virginia and Blackman in Pennsylvania.

Of course, these numbers are not exactly comparable to each other as there were significant time, place, and possibly labor differences between ledgers. They do indicate, however, that Cornelia was paying a relatively average price (if sometimes higher) for the shoes she bought. Throughout the entire 18^th century there were constant fluctuations in all colonial currencies because each colony used both their own printed money and British currency interchangeably. Prices on ledgers were often listed in these various currencies because exchange rates were indeterminate. Additionally, due to regional fluctuations in material and labor costs during the later 18^th century, it can be difficult to determine how prices compared to each other regionally.

            Cornelia van Cortlandt Schuyler’s shoe ledger concludes with notes after her death in 1762. The notes mention the total price of 22 pounds, 10 shillings, and 8 pence. Cornelia paid this amount to the person who the account was kept with, possibly a cobbler named “Jillis” or “Jellis”. Further down there is a note “Cornelia Schuyler/ My Mother” which further supplies evidence that this account was kept in part by one of Cornelia’s children. The ledger was passed down through Louisa Lee and Georgina Schuyler, two of Philip Schuyler’s descendants. It is likely Philip kept his mother’s accounts and papers after her death. Other notes seem to be added by later curators or owners for the purpose of adding context to Cornelia being “mother of gen. Schuyler.”

            It is also possible to connect this ledger to Philip Schuyler’s own household. Several of the names of the enslaved people mentioned throughout the ledger show up in accounts from Philip Schuyler’s household after Cornelia’s death. In a ledger from Philip Schuyler’s household on December 16^th, 1771, also for the purchase of shoes, several of the enslaved people from Cornelia’s ledger are named as having shoes made or repaired. The names of these people are Bett, Cesar, Dick, and Coff (his name is also written as Cuff in some sources), and it is possible that these are the same people referred to in Cornelia’s ledger. Cornelia’s will does not make provisions for the lives of these enslaved people after her death, but it stands that many of the people from Cornelia’s household were inherited by her son Philip Schuyler. Since Philip Schuyler was Cornelia’s eldest living son, and he and his wife lived with Cornelia at the State and Pearl Street residence, it is likely that he took possession of the household property, which included the people enslaved there.

           Researchers often encounter challenges in their search through primary source materials. These documents are often inaccessible for various reasons: language, handwriting, document condition, etc. Cornelia van Cortlandt Schuyler’s ledger is a complex document to use as a source, not only because of the language, but because of the mundanity of the contents. So much historical research has been conducted on 18^th century topics, but because prices and currencies were in flux, it becomes difficult to grapple with actual prices and compare and contrast costs in Colonial America. Cornelia’s ledger is a useful document because, while it is a micro part of the 18^th century story, it helps better the understanding of the structure of an upper-class household in Colonial Dutch Albany.

 

Sources:

“Cash Accounts, June 1760,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-06-02-0238. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol. 6, 4 September 1758 – 26 December 1760, ed. W. W. Abbot. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988, pp. 429–431.]

Report of the Statistician: Farm Prices in Two Centuries; Extracts from the account of Elisha Blackman, 1770-1804. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015035798035&seq=4

Shoe ledger of Cornelia Van Cortlandt Schuyler kept between 1754-1763, in SM collection.

Shoe ledger of Philip Schuyler from December 16^th, 1771.

Black History Month in Review: The Little Details

When we tell the history of the enslaved, the focus is sometimes on large, sweeping stories as opposed to smaller, more individualized ones. While there are smaller details in the archives to draw from, they often aren’t enough on their own. They require research and contextualization that can be daunting to the untrained historian, but, with practice and patience, the stories that unfold are rich and vital. The most important thing is to talk about the possibilities these details offer us.

Below we’ve highlighted a handful of individuals and told their stories through what little details we know. We took those details and tried to expand them into a more complete image that gives us a glance into a specific moment in their lives. While there is so much we don’t know, it’s important to highlight and discuss what we do know.

This is Black History Month of 2025 in review.

Britt

Botanical illustration of ginger plant from 
'The beauties of creation, or, a new moral
system of natural history; in five volumes: 
consisting of quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and 
reptiles, trees and flowers, vol. 5, trees' 
Printed by George Riley.

In April of 1787, Britt was prescribed multiple medications by the Schuylers’ doctor. She was given liniment sapo, camphor gum, and ginger. On their own, the first two medications were used to treat pain, and could suggest treatment of injuries caused by repetitive motion, such as hauling water or sewing. But ginger was commonly prescribed to induce labor—a speculation further confirmed when, two months later, a stomach soothing medication was prescribed to “Britt’s child.” This receipt allows us to say more that “Britt had a baby.” We know she took ginger to induce her labor and took medication for the pain it caused. We know her child may have suffered from stomach aches as an infant. A singular receipt has shed light on this important moment in Britt’s life and allowed us a more personal glimpse into her world.

Stephen and Peter

This story comes to us via a 1775 letter written by Dr. Samuel Stringer, doctor to and friend of the Schuylers. The letter discusses the present state of affairs with the Six Nations, who had recently visited Albany as part of a peace negotiation.

Engraving of Six Nations people trading with 
Europeans (1722) by French artist Bacqueville 
de La Potherie.

In Dr. Stringer’s letter, he mentioned that “by some of [illegible] Schuyler Family, of whom we got long Stephen and Peter [illegible], and sent by them to antient belts of Aliance as tokens of the Old Covenants…” The two men mentioned in the letter, Stephen and Peter, were enslaved by the Schuylers. They had been sent to German Flatts carrying what was most likely wampum belts, which were essential in establishing continuing relations between the colonists and the Six Nations. The bringing of the “antient belts of Aliance” to the Six Nations would have been a major signifier from the colonial settlement of Albany that peace and communication were desired. This letter gives us a glimpse into an important trip Stephen and Peter took, and the knowledge that they played a role in an important diplomatic mission.

Will, Britt, Susannah, and Herry

View of Dutch Reformed Church in Albany prior to being
torn down in 1806.

Now we turn our focus to Will—a father separated from his family.

One of the very few mentions of Will is from the Albany Dutch Reformed Church, where he was recorded as “Serv. of P. Schuyler”* for a special occasion—the baptism of his daughter. On March 4^th, 1772, Will and Britt, who was enslaved by the Ten Broeck family, baptized their daughter Susannah. Normally separated by two miles, the church was the midway point where they could reunite as a family.

Two years after the birth of their daughter Susannah, Will and Britt welcomed a second child, Herry, into their family. Herry was baptized on June 26^th, 1774. While there are no known records about Herry, Will, or Britt after the baptisms, Susannah was eventually manumitted by the Ten Broeck family. Susannah’s children, Dinah, Susan, and Mary were manumitted alongside their mother in 1811, under steep conditions on their freedom. When their enslaver, Elizabeth Ten Broeck, died in 1813, the family was freed without condition.

*”servant” was used interchangeably with “slave” in the 18^th century

Protecting the Saratoga House

Drawing of Schuyler House, Schuylerville, New York
from 1887 by artist Ernest C. Peixotto.

Finally, we focus on the contents of a letter Philip Schuyler wrote to Governor George Clinton on April 17^th, 1778.

During the fall of 1777, the Battles of Saratoga tore through Philip Schuyler’s Saratoga estate. His home was burnt alongside much of his farmland, but, within weeks, Schuyler rebuilt his house. In a letter to Governor George Clinton, Schuyler wrote: “I do not however mean to bring away my Servants as I shall erect a picket Fort round my House and let them, if possible, keep it ….” Schuyler didn’t mention any enslaved people by name, but referred to a collective group of them as “Servants,” a common 18^th century phrase for enslaved people. Schuyler planned to erect a “Fort” around his house, which likely meant he wished to build a protective structure to guard it from an attack. Schuyler told Clinton that he would leave the enslaved people there in an attempt to protect the house.

It's unknown if the enslaved people were provided weapons while they were protecting the house. Perhaps they felt fear, but perhaps they also felt some freedom in not being watched by Schuyler. Regardless, these men and women were on the front lines of an attack, should one come—a huge weight for anyone to bear, let alone someone potentially fighting on behalf of property and freedom they didn’t own.

“The Liberty to Request:” Angelica Schuyler Church and Slavery

 by Jessie Serfilippi

Letter from Angelica Schuyler Church to John Tayler,
 requesting to purchased an enslaved girl from Mrs. Van Dyck.
Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site Collections. 

Angelica Schuyler Church (1756-1814), the Schuylers’ eldest daughter, traveled a lot throughout the 1780s and 1790s. A few years after her marriage to Englishman John Barker Church (1748-1818) in 1777, she and her husband moved abroad to Paris and London with brief visits home throughout the nearly fifteen years they were away. She traveled between Newport, Boston, Albany, and New York, as well as Paris and London. Before, during, and after her visits home, she consistently looked for and attempted to purchase enslaved people. Recently, Schuyler Mansion acquired a new letter that adds to our knowledge of Angelica as an enslaver, as well as slavery within the wider Schuyler family. 

In 1780, Angelica was living away from Albany with her husband, John Barker Church, who was then using the alias John Carter as he was evading debt in his native England. Under the alias of Angelica Carter, the eldest Schuyler child penned a letter to John Tayler requesting his help in purchasing an enslaved child. Tayler, a man of many hats, often served as a middleman for the Schuylers in various transactions. In this case, Angelica, still living in Boston, asked for his help in purchasing Mrs. Van Dyck’s enslaved child. Referring to herself in the third person, Angelica wrote “Mrs. Carter takes the Liberty to request of Mr. Taylor to purchase for her, the little negro Girl that commonly attends Mrs. Vandyck.” The reason she requested this child in particular was because she heard “Mrs. Vandyck has gone to New York and if that is true tis probable her servants will be sold.”

This letter provides a valuable insight into how the Schuylers, and people of the time period in general, referred to the enslaved. Angelica referred to the people enslaved by Mrs. Van Dyck as “servants,” but they were clearly enslaved because she asked to purchase them. Historians of the 18^th century often see similar references, but in this one, it is made clear that the “servants” have a monetary value prescribed to them and can be purchased. This shows that “servant” was interchangeable with “slave” to families like the Schuylers. These were the common semantics of the 18^th century, even if these words do not hold the same meaning today.

Just two years later, Angelica made a similar request of her parents. In 1782, Philip Schuyler wrote to Angelica that “Your mama will strive all in her power to procure you a good wench they are rare to be met with.”[1] Any follow-up to the letter is unknown, but this assurance from Philip Schuyler that Angelica’s mother was searching for an enslaved girl or woman for Angelica shows that the Churches regularly enslaved people when in the United States. It also shows that Angelica was active in choosing who she wanted to enslave. In the first letter, she sought a young girl enslaved by Mrs. Van Dyck, and, in this letter, she requested her parents find her an enslaved woman. The Schuylers seemingly thought it was natural for them to enslave people, which meant it was likely Angelica did, too.

In 1784, Margaret “Peggy” Schuyler van Rensselaer, Angelica’s younger sister, asked their brother-in-law, Alexander Hamilton, to do a favor for Angelica, who was abroad at the time. Peggy requested that Hamilton contact the man Angelica had sold one of her enslaved people to and ask if she could re-enslave him during her upcoming visit to the United States. Hamilton wrote to John Chaloner, a man with whom the Churches often conducted business, on Angelica’s behalf. This letter to Chaloner shows again how enslaving people was engrained in and natural to the entire Schuyler family. Hamilton wrote:

Mrs. Renselaaer [Peggy Schuyler] has requested me to write to you concerning a negro, Ben, formerly belonging to Mrs. Carter [Angelica] who was sold for a term of years to Major Jackson. Mrs. Church has written to her sister that she is very desirous of having him back again; and you are requested if Major Jackson will part with him to purchase his remaining time for Mrs. Church and to send him on to me.[2]

Angelica had sold Ben for a “term of years” to Major Jackson and was now requesting him back for her brief visit home. In a follow-up letter, Major Jackson wrote he “declines parting with Ben, but says when Mrs Church returns he will let her have him should she request it but will not part with him to any body else.”[3] It’s unclear if this actually happened when Angelica returned, but the request on Angelica’s behalf shows her desire to re-enslave Ben.

In 1797, Angelica and her family returned to New York City from England, where they lived until Angelica’s death in 1814. Shortly before their return, Hamilton once again was engaged as their middleman. His cashbook shows he purchased three people for the Churches: two women and a child.[4] One of the women may have been Sarah, who appeared before the New York Manumission Society in 1799, stating she had been illegally brought to New York from Maryland in 1793, and was sold to the Churches since then.[5] Based on Hamilton’s recorded transactions and when the Churches returned to New York, it’s possible she was one of the women purchased for the Churches before their 1797 return to New York City. She was freed by the New York Manumission Society in 1799.

These letters and sources not only tell us the story of enslavement within the Church household, but more specifically show Angelica’s involvement in the institution of slavery. Far too often, only men are mentioned in sources surrounding enslavement because it is typically their records and their letters that have survived to the present day. While both the letter penned by Philip Schuyler and the one written by Alexander Hamilton show Angelica’s involvement in slavery, the one written in her own hand is an even more direct link. It’s a somewhat rare opportunity to show women were just as directly and fully involved in slavery as men. They not only directed enslaved people on tasks, but actively sought out who they wanted to enslave and engaged in the financial transactions of purchasing people. Angelica Schuyler Church was no exception.

---

[1] “Philip Schuyler to Angelica Schuyler Church, 20 September 1782,” Church Papers, Yale Library.

[2] “From Alexander Hamilton to John Chaloner, [11 November 1784],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-03-02-0390. [Original source: The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 3, 1782–1786, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1962, pp. 584–585.]

[3] “To Alexander Hamilton from John Chaloner, 25 November 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-03-02-0392. [Original source: The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 3, 1782–1786, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1962, pp. 587–588.]

[4] “Account with John Barker Church, [15 June 1797],” Founders Online, National Archives, version of January 18,

2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-21-02-0067. [Original source: The Papers of Alexander

Hamilton, vol. 21, April 1797 – July 1798, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1974, pp.

109–112.]

[5] Minutes, May 18, 1791-February 19, 1807, New York Manumission Society Records 1785-1849, Manuscript Collections Relating to Slavery, New York Historical Society, Manhattan, 113.

Twenty Large Pitch Pine Logs: Enslaved People at the Schuyler Saratoga Property and Their Spaces of Socialization

This blog was written by Sarah Lindecke, a Fall 2023 intern at Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site from Siena College ‘s History and Public History program. The letter examined in this blog had been one of interest for various other Schuyler Mansion staff members but was taken up for examination by the intern. Connecting winter labor to the enslaved men mentioned in the letter brings a great opportunity to examine the lives and social spaces of the enslaved during the colder parts of the year.  

 

Twenty Large Pitch Pine Logs: Enslaved People at the Schuyler Saratoga Property and Their Spaces of Socialization 

 

As winter continues here in the Northeast, we can look back on how 18^th century labor changed with the colder weather. This is particularly interesting in the case of the people enslaved by the Schuyler family. The labor of these individuals was not self-directed, but dictated by their enslaver first and the weather second. Historians often forget to consider the impact of these isolating trips, or the weather encountered while laboring. Weather was a factor in the everyday life of the enslaved, determining much about the character of their labor. There are multiple letters in the Schuyler papers that provide evidence of this, but one of the strongest examples comes from a letter written by Philip Lansing to Philip Schuyler on December 27th, 1771. The late December letter covers the logging done during the winter months up at Saratoga. Logging was commonly done in the cold weather as it was impossible to farm during the long winter months. Instead of farming, winter labor would turn to focus on the process of felling logs out in the countryside, then using sleds to transport them to local mills for processing. Having a sufficient supply of wood was crucial during the cold winter months because wood was the main fuel for heating and cooking. Without access to ample supplies of wood, people risked freezing or suffering other ills of the cold.  

 

In the December 27^th letter, Lansing described this winter labor: 

 

“The horse sleds have drawn thirty-four pieces of pitch pine timber since you Left this Lisbon, Dick, & Bob have cut them, they have Also cut twenty large pitch pine logs... I am this Day going with three Horse sleds to the Mill at Batskill [Battenkill] to Ride Logs there, Henry Mynerd And the rest of the tenants are to bring up the Hay this Day_the ice has broke the upper flid Gates of the Mill Race but has done no Damage to the Race Neither Grist Mill nor Saw Mill...”  

 

This letter conjures an image of a cold and remote place where men, free and enslaved, worked together at felling hearty pitch pine trees, then preparing them for transport. This excerpt lays out the process—from felling trees to sending them to the mill. First, the trees would be cut and pulled to the ground where they could be limbed and potentially cut or split into smaller sections as needed, then loaded onto the sleds. Perhaps ironically, winter’s cold and snowy conditions provided for a less complicated job—the snow allowed for easier transportation on sleds, while the hard frozen ground helped minimize erosion of the woodlots or other forest damage while logging.  

 

"A Black Wood Cutter at Shelburne, Nova Scotia,: by William Booth

Library and Archives Canada, Acc. No. 1970-188-1090 W.H. Coverdale Collection of Canadiana

 

From Lansing’s letter, it appears the enslaved men, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob, were the ones tasked with carrying out the first steps of the logging process. This was a cumbersome job, and Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have felt the cold even when properly outfitted for the freezing temperatures.  Schuyler receipts show he often hired cobblers to sometimes make, but far more often only repair, shoes for the people he enslaved. Cheaper army rates by comparison show that the work Schuyler paid for on numerous occasions was of a good quality cobbling. Yet, they were still wearing shoes that were only repaired when Schuyler called on a cobbler. He did so frequently because it was important to keep clothing and equipment in good shape due to the demanding and dangerous conditions of the work. 

 

Bob, Dick, and Lisbon would have been dressed for this work in wool coats and socks, knit caps, and possibly even full-length trousers (as opposed to the more common and fashionable knee-length breeches). Clothing examples from advertisements for the recapture of escaped servants often listed the clothing worn by the enslaved, many of which showed that wool garments were commonly worn. One such example from a September 1^st, 1774, advertisement shows notes the clothing of a man named Bram at the time of his runaway as:  

“...a white woolen homespun jacket, a wool hat, a woolen shirt, buckskin bre eches, linen trousers, a pair of grey stockings, a good pair of shoes and plated buckles...”  

Wool was a ubiquitous clothing material prized for its warmth and durability. Furthermore, in the snow wool can have water repellant properties. While Schuyler, who himself would not have been required to work out in the cold, was not primarily concerned with the comfort of those he enslaved, he would have inevitably lost money on what he saw as an “investment” should he have failed to keep the people he enslaved properly outfitted while they completed their labor outside.  

 

After the logs were partially processed, they would have been taken on horse sleds to the mill for further refinement.  This letter indicates that there was enough snow for travel using horse sleds, which was the most effective means for transportation of the logs to the mill as the snow would allow the sleds to glide, taking some of the weight off the horses as they pulled them. Without the use of sleds, the weight of the logs would have been a difficult burden to haul. The letter makes no mention of who drove the sleds and horses at the logging site. However, other letters reveal that the three men mentioned were often in charge of work involving transportation, such as carting bottles of oil and retrieving horses as mentioned in a June 20^th, 1790, that notes “I would send the wine & Muscovado sugar by Captain Bogarts.” This was a prized skill and responsibility for an enslaved person because any specialized skill provided the enslaved with opportunities to work on special jobs or, occasionally, made it possible for them to seek outside employment opportunities or income. Furthermore, special skills could translate to less direct supervision and scrutiny from the Schuylers or their overseers.  

 

Once transported to the mill, the timbers would be processed down into logs of varying sizes. The logs may have been split to make framing for the construction of homes to meet the constant need for more housing. At the time there was a growing population of newcomers to the region from across the Northeastern colonies as colonists across the Northeast sought to escape the crowded lands of the New England for the less populated Albany and Mohawk valley. The logs also could have become firewood that would be transported from the mill to the Schuyler residence or be sold off for profit.   

 

When examining the toll of labor, it’s important to remember that almost all enslaved labor would have been completed in harsh conditions. Farming and the hauling of goods was undertaken outside in varying and sometimes rather harsh climates. Under the hot sun there was risk of heat stroke or dehydration. Dick was cited in at least one medical record as being treated for chronic hernias, a condition consistent with hard labor and heavy lifting. Similar ailments plagued Dick and the other enslaved people under Schuyler’s purview. Medicines for joint problems or skin burns and rashes were much more common than anything treating cold weather conditions, though rare occurrences are evident. Schuyler’s medical registers show a lack of cold weather-related illnesses and ailments among the people he enslaved, which speaks to the attention he took to their health. The harsh winter weather alone made outdoor labor dangerous no matter the ease of access to medical treatment. 

 

Beyond the impact of cold weather on the body, it’s equally as important to consider how winter impacted socialization and social spaces. The enslaved men mentioned in Lansing’s letter, Lisbon, Dick, & Bob, may have left any friends and family they had for an indeterminate amount of time. Saratoga was not completely remote, but during the winter it would have been nearly impossible to justify travel back to Albany unless Schuyler required it. Furthermore, travel between Saratoga and Albany could have been halted by snow making it difficult to return to friends and family. With most, if not all, family and friends out of reach, Dick, Lisbon, and Bob likely had a limited sphere of socialization while at Saratoga. They had each other, but otherwise likely felt a disconnect from Lansing and his hired free laborers. Their status as enslaved men kept them intentionally separated from the social communities of free white men—the men who oversaw the operation. 

 

Between the strenuous labor of logging, hauling, and milling and the separation from their family and friends, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob would have felt the great toll of social isolation at the same time as physical strain. This social isolation was a weight on the men that may have been difficult to voice or combat. Their condition of enslavement ensured there was a limited social space for Lisbon, Dick, and Bob. Community and socialization were not at their whim. This reality circumscribed the social lives of the enslaved which was already limited by weather and the labors passed down in orders from enslavers. The lack of written sources from the perspective of enslaved people presents challenges in accurately documenting their stories, leaving it very difficult to make concrete conclusions about the social lives of the enslaved. However, as Lansing’s 1771 letter illustrates there is a lot to be taken from vague references or mentions of enslaved people. Lisbon, Dick, and Bob make frequent appearances in other Schuyler papers and though these mentions don’t provide concrete details about these men they still offer opportunities to examine context. Reading about the labor the enslaved would do or the people they met helps add to an overall understanding of their lives. The enslaved do not reside outside of documentation and can be sought through the combining of multiple sources and the consideration of wider possibilities.  

 

The environment surrounding Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have included family or friends with them at Saratoga also engaged in their own set of winter labors. The men staying at Saratoga would have wanted to have someone available to cook meals, mend clothing, or keep the fire. These jobs were often the work of women so it is possible Lisbon, Dick, or Bob could have been in community with a woman from Albany they’d been familiar with. Furthermore, it is possible that the routine of traveling to Saratoga for logging brought the possibility of seeing familiar groups of men each winter for the logging. Few people are mentioned in Lansing’s letter, so it is entirely possible there were many others at the logging camp who were familiar acquaintances. These friends may have been companions in joking or storytelling between labors. In either of these cases, the trip to Saratoga appears lighter, still burdened with the weight of enslavement, but with space for some levity between social connections.  

 

Philip Lansing’s December 27, 1771, letter is an opportunity to portray the experiences of enslaved and free laborers during the cold winter months in New York. At the forefront of this letter is the content covering the winter work of logging and milling that would have been ever present during the winter for the able-bodied. This letter also provides space for discussion about the enslaved men Lisbon, Dick, and Bob, who were brought to Saratoga as enslaved laborers at the logging camp. Their isolation from family and friends or the created community at Saratoga is important to remember because it speaks to the spaces of socialization the enslaved contended with. Weather, labor, and orders from enslavers set boundaries on the socialization available to them. Beyond the content of Lansing’s 1771 letter there are many other Schuyler Papers in the NYPL Collection and Schuyler Mansion collections that provide space for research about the lives of the enslaved. 

 

Bibliography 

 

Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia."sawmill." Encyclopedia Britannica, January 10, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/technology/sawmill. 

Defebaugh, James Elliot. History of the Lumber Industry in America, Vol. 1 (Chicago: The American Lumberman, 1906), 308-309. 

Thompson JR, Carpenter DN, Cogbill CV, Foster DR (2013) Four Centuries of Change in

Northeastern United States Forests. PLoS

ONE 8(9): e72540. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0072540 

https://fotm.link/b2973800-b4b3-4edd-b9fa-6f98a17e612c