 |
| Major General Philip Schuyler. John Trumbull. ca. 1792. |
Philip Schuyler was appointed as the Major General of the Northern Department of the newly formed Continental Army, on June 19th, 1775. The Northern Department consisted primarily of lands in the New York colony.[i] His immediate orders from George Washington were to “Keep a watchful Eye upon Governor Tryon” and improve relations with Canadians and Indigenous people, primarily the Haudenosaunee.[ii] These were herculean tasks that as a major general, Schuyler struggled to see through. Supplies were consistently short, no matter how many pleas of support he sent Washington and the Continental Congress. There were also concerns over lackluster enrollments into militias and regiments. Regional antagonism pitted New Yorkers against New Englanders threatening unity within the army. Furthermore, Schuyler’s fragile health would become a factor that threatened his ability to lead. Within a year of taking command, Schuyler was challenged by newly appointed Major General Horatio Gates.
Philip Schuyler’s Military
Past:
 |
| Mrs. Philip John Schuyler (1762-1767). Thomas McIlworth. The New York Historical. |
Philip
Schuyler’s military career began during the French and Indian War (also known
as the Seven Years War). On May 5th, 1755, he was commissioned by
the Lieutenant Governor, James De Lancy, to raise a volunteer unit.[iii]
He received the rank of captain after his unit was established. He missed the
deadly Battle of Lake George on September 8th, 1755, because of an
order from Johannes van Rensselaer he remained in Albany to marry Catharine
van Rensselaer, who was four months pregnant with their first child. They were
married on September 7th, 1755, the day before the battle.[iv]
Around
the same time as his marriage, Schuyler made the acquaintance of Colonel John
Bradstreet (1711?-1774). Bradstreet would be one of the closest and most
important supporters of Schuyler during the remaining years of the French and
Indian War. Schuyler spent much of 1756 serving under Bradstreet and his troops
around western New York.[v]
During this period Schuyler gained key experience in logistics. He learned how
warfare on the frontier required strategic planning which sometimes meant
felling trees to make roads and streams impassible. Furthermore, forts on the
frontier regularly faced shortages if supplies were not transported well in
advance of intended campaigns. Schuyler learns about these considerations
alongside John Bradstreet as he worked in the British Army.
After a new
commandeer, John Campbell, Earl of Loudoun, was appointed it is possible that
Schuyler resigned as there are no known records of payment for military service
past 1757.[vi]
In 1758, Schuyler joined an “expedition to the lakes,” traveling north to Lake
George. During the years following his marriage, Schuyler appears to have
remained closer to home as he worked for John Bradstreet, assisting in his work
as the quartermaster general, possibly as a civilian consultant.[vii]
The final
chapters of Philip Schuyler’s early service in the military seem to have been
confined to Albany, procuring and passing supplies to those stationed on the frontier.
These experiences likely prepared him for the Revolutionary War, when many of
these same duties would be expected of him as a major general. It is worth
noting that very little of his experience was connected directly to the
battlefield or commanding troops.
Horatio Gates’ Military Past:
 |
| Major General Horatio Gates. James Peale c. 1782. National Portrait Gallery. |
Though only a few years older than Schuyler, Horatio Gates began his military career six years before Schuyler. In 1749, at age 21, Gates was commissioned as a lieutenant under Colonel Edward Cornwallis. On obtaining this commission he traveled with the army to Halifax, Nova Scotia.[viii] Gates’ earlier career is unknown, but it is possible he was given unusual preference, leading to military advancement because his mother worked as the housekeeper to the Duke of Bolton. After obtaining his commission he traveled with the campaigns that established Halifax in Nova Scotia.[ix] This was Gates’ first foray into military action in the North American colonies.
In 1754, he
obtained the captaincy in control of the Fourth Independent Company of Foot in
New York.[x] During
the French and Indian War, he led his company in fighting throughout the New
York frontier.[xi] This
was tough terrain and with little provisions he likely suffered alongside the
soldiers under him. His involvement in major military action concluded in 1756.
After this, he spent his time making social and diplomatic relations with
Sir William Johnson and the Haudenosaunee people in the Mohawk Valley.[xii]
The rest of the French and Indian War, Gates’ involvement was sporadic,
primarily consisting of gathering and transporting of supplies.
By
the end of the French and Indian War, Gates was raised to the rank of a major
in the British Army.[xiii]
He then struggled to achieve any higher rank without aristocratic connections,
and spent several years living in Bath, England, with his family. Upon
returning to New York in 1762 to take command of the 45th regiment,
he discovered another man had already been appointed in his place.[xiv]
He did receive a commission as a major in 1764, but by the mid-1760s this offer
was not enough for his ambitions.[xv]
Life outside of the army in Bath, England, did not improve his finances, and so
he and his family moved back to the North American colonies in 1772.
The Feud:
Both
Philip Schuyler and Horatio Gates saw their first military service in the
British Army. Both acted as quartermasters during the French and Indian War. Gates
spent much longer in the employ of the Army of Great Britain, but waged long
fights attempting to raise his station. Their early careers were somewhat
similar, but neither had a great deal of battlefield experience by the time
they joined the Continental Army.
 |
| Return of the Experiment. Len Tantillo (1994). This painting depicts Albany as it may have appeared c. 1787. |
Tensions were
high from their first meeting, sometime around July 1st, 1776. Major
General Philip Schuyler’s letter to General George Washington the day Major
General Gates arrived in Albany
has many mentions of Gates—many of them negative. Upon Gate’s arrival, concerns
over command were evident, and both men had conflicting information which
immediately required attention. Schuyler wrote:
“If
Congress intended that General Gates should command the Northern Army wherever
it might be, as he assures me they did, it ought to have been signified to me,
and I should then have immediately resigned the Command to him, but until such
Intention is properly conveyed to me I never can: I must therefore entreat your
Excellency to lay this Letter before Congress, that they may clearly &
explicitly signify their Intentions to avert the Dangers & Evils that may
arise from a disputed Command…”[xvi]
Gates claimed
that he received an order, and Schuyler wrote to the Continental Congress to
confirm the order to take command of the forces. The Continental Congress’
intent was to have Gates take charge of those fighting in Canada, not the
entire Northern Department. However, by Schuyler’s account these Canadian
forces had already evacuated. Schuyler asserted that he would willingly resign
his command of the Northern Department to Gates if that was what the
Continental Congress had decided. Schuyler did not want to refuse the orders of
the Continental Congress or General Washington, but he required clarification
from them before acting. Taken also in the context of Schuyler’s many attempts
to retire from the military during the preceding months, it is possible he
wanted to make his position on handing over command clear so he could retire
honorably. However, this remains speculatory and Schuyler’s foremost concern
was to ensure clear chains of command for their soldiers.
During
their first weeks sharing command, there was certainly conflict between the two
men, but both sought peaceful resolution. Schuyler wrote:
“General
Gates and myself mean to be candid and wish to have the Matter settled without
any of that Chicane, which would disgrace us as Officers & Men, we have
agreed to speak plain and to shew each other what we have written to you
upon the Occasion, and he has accordingly read the whole of what I have
abovesaid.”[xvii]
A
week later the answer for who had a higher command was decided. The Continental
Congress resolved on July 8th, 1776:
“Major General Gates be informed,
that it was the intention of the Congress to give him the command of the troops
whilst in Canada, but had no design to vest him with a superior command to
General Schuyler, whilst the troops should be on this side of Canada; and that
the president write to Major General Schuyler and Major General Gates, stating
this matter, and recommending to them to carry on the military operations with
harmony, and in such a manner as shall best promote the public service:”[xviii]
The Congress had
solved the issue of command, at least on face value. The pair of generals needed
to work together for the benefit of the army and the Revolutionary cause.
In
Schuyler’s next letter to Washington, he copies the language of the Continental
Congress’ resolve when he wrote there is “the most perfect Harmony … between
us, and that I shall by every Attention to General Gates strictly cultivate
it…”[xix]
Evidently there had been some concern that the pair of generals was not getting
along—prompting Schuyler to assure Congress that nothing was amiss. He repeats
similar sentiments in letters throughout July. Though a congressional
resolution had determined the chain of command in the Northern Department by
early August, Schuyler wrote to Washinton that there were still concerns:
“…that
more than one Head to any Department must be introductory to Confusion—This
Sentiment I have strongly held up to Congress in some of my Letters…”[xx]
 |
| A plan of the town and Fort of Carillon at Ticonderoga: with the attack made by the British army commanded by Genl. Abercrombie, 8 July 1758 Norman B. Leventhal Map Center/Boston Public Library |
The pair of major
generals spent much of the rest of the summer of 1776 traveling between
northern forts, primarily Crown Point and Ticonderoga.
They weren’t always together, as several letters passed between the two men. In
mid-August, Schuyler turned his attention away from the northern frontier and towards
western New York.[xxi] This
choice may have been an attempt to avoid more conflict with General Gates, but was
also a strategic choice following the shifting of the warfront. Future
campaigns would center on western New York, the territory of the Haudenosaunee
people.[xxii]
The Cherokee-American Wars were being fought across the south, and in the north,
many Haudenosaunee people were outwardly siding with the British. Schuyler, as
a Commissioner of Indian Affairs, likely worked as a diplomat and had to leave
Gates to mind the northern forts.
In
early July, Schuyler and Gates wavered about abandoning important northern
forts.[xxiii]
The unsuccessful invasion of Canada that Schuyler and his peers had planned was
coming to an end—and was determined a failure. On July 8th, 1776, Schuyler
and Gates decided that Crown Point, as well as several other northern forts, should
be abandoned.
 |
| Samuel Adams by John Singleton Copley (1772). The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. |
The summer of
1776 also saw Gates’ supporters in the Continental Congress pushing to his
position as the person who should lead the Northern Department. Samuel Adams wrote to his cousin John Adams “the Army can confide in the Valor and military Skill
and Accomplishments of Gates.”[xxiv]
Through the next year these supporters schemed on “How shall we make him [Gates]
the Head of that Army.”[xxv]
Gates and Schuyler’s supporters clashed in Congress in the same way the pair of
generals did outside.
Later, in
October 1776 the Continental army lost the Battle of Valcour Island, signifying
the true end to the Continental Army’s invasion in Canada. Schuyler spent that
winter between Albany and Saratoga, planning for the next year of combat.
By March 1777,
Gates had been offered a demotion to the title of adjunct general by the
Continental Congress.[xxvi]
This reassignment pulled Gates away from the Northern Department. The offer was
not likely put forth as a means to avoid conflict between him and Schuyler. Instead,
the Congress and George Washington believed that Gates was skilled in training
and organizing troops, something that was desperately needed with the many
newly enlisted soldiers.[xxvii]
However, Gates did not desire to resume this subordinate position and so he and
his supporters, especially John Adams, continued to lobby in the Continental
Congress for his own independent command of the Northern Department. All the
way back in August of 1776, John Adams wrote “I wish with all my Heart that you
were Dictator at Ticonderoga, as much as it was intended you Should be, in
Canada.”[xxviii]
In April 1777, Gates was placed independently
in charge of Fort Ticonderoga and established headquarters in Albany. This frustrated
Schuyler’s supporters who believed that the commander of Fort Ticonderoga
should not be headquartered in Albany.[xxix]
 |
| James Duane by John Trumbull (1805). Public Design Commission of the City of New York. |
In New York and
Philadelphia, Schuyler’s supporters, James
Duane and John Jay, were working to support the independent command of Philip
Schuyler with the hope of eliminating Gates’ position.[xxx]
Schuyler’s efforts in Congress were successful. On May 22nd, 1777,
they resolved that:
“Albany,
Ticonderoga, Fort Stanwix, and their dependencies, be henceforth considered as
forming the Northern Department:
“That
Major General Schuyler be directed forthwith to proceed to the northern
department, and take upon him the command there.”[xxxi]
Gates
requested Schuyler relieve him from his post so that he could travel to
Philadelphia to fight for his position. Accounts of Gates’ speech in front of
Congress on June 19th, 1777, from Schuyler’s friends James Duane and
William Duer suggest that things did not go well for him. Duer wrote that
Gates, after telling his news from the North, “took out of his Pocket some
scraps of Papers, containing a Narrative of his Birth Parentage and
Education Life Character, and Behavior” in an attempt to convince
the Congress that he had worked most honorably for the cause.[xxxii]
Another member of Congress made a motion for Gates to be dismissed and Duer
seconded this because his conduct was “unbecoming.”[xxxiii]
Gates had made somewhat a fool of himself in front of Congress. This was at
least the second time within the preceding year that he had been pushed out of
a military appointment. Many times, Gates had been pushed out of prime
positions and superseded by those with more social capital. His frustrations,
while expressed improperly in front of Congress, stemmed from repeatedly being
passed over by those he viewed as less qualified.
 |
| Traveler’s Rest photographed in 1936. Horatio Gates’ home in Jefferson County, West Virginia. |
On July 8th, 1777, General Gates was, “directed to repair to head quarters, and follow the directions of General Washington.”[xxxiv] Gates returned to Virginia for a visit home with his wife and son before reluctantly taking a temporary command from General Benjamin Lincoln.[xxxv] Schuyler also sent several letters to George Washington suggesting that the British Army under General John Burgoyne were making significant strides south from Canada, which forced the abandonment of Fort Ticonderoga on July 5th, 1777.[xxxvi] The Gates faction in Congress took advantage of the doubt laid against Schuyler. Throughout the rest of July, Schuyler’s army shrunk. He was unpopular with many New Englanders and many of them sought to go elsewhere or refused to serve under him.[xxxvii]
Schuyler’s
conduct was also called into question. Hezekiah Smith of Massachusetts, a Chaplain
with the Northern Department wrote an account of his life between July 22nd
and August 14th, 1777, he wrote that Schuyler:
“…acted more like a mad man than the
Commander-in-Chief. He beat some of the soldiers who were performing their
duty. He cursed, damned, swore, profaned the name of God in a most horrible
manner, and swore by his Maker, that if he could light on the Major of our
brigade, he would split his head open and scatter his brains upon the ground.”[xxxviii]
Smith’s
indictment of Schuyler’s character and behavior speaks possibly of his own
sectionalism. As a New Englander he, like many others, was predisposed to
dislike Schuyler and his account may be an exaggeration. It is unknown that
Schuyler’s actual treatment of soldiers was as Smith recounted especially
because these words were recorded in a journal but more generally Schuyler’s
enemies in the Continental Congress were not hesitant to make their displeasure
with him known in other correspondence.[xxxix]
On
August 1st, 1777, General Schuyler received direction from the
Continental Congress to go to headquarters, in Philadelphia, where his superior
General Washington would relieve him of his command.[xl]
Gates’ supporters John Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Samuel Adams, and others wrote a
letter of support for their replacement, Gates, on August 2nd, 1777.
They wrote:
“As
Congress have authorized your Excellency to send a proper Officer to take the
Command in the northern Department; We take the Liberty to signifie
to your Excellency that in our Opinion, no Man will be more likely; to restore,
Harmony, Order and Discipline, and retrieve our Affairs in that Quarter, than
Majr. Genll. Gates. He has on Experience acquired the Confidence, and stands
high in the Esteem of the eastern States and Troops. With Confidence in Your
Wisdom We chearfully submit it, to Your Excellency’s Consideration.”[xli]
These
men had confidence in Gates and wanted to support his independent command in
the Northern Department. In a vote, Major General Horatio Gates was elected to
the head of the Northern Department.[xlii]
 |
| General John Burgoyne. Joshua Reynolds (c. 1766). Frick Collection. |
Through the middle of August, Schuyler remained in command of the Northern Department. When Gates arrived at the Northern Department on August 19th, 1777, Schuyler handed over command. Schuyler continued to help supply the army as Gates prepared for the imminent attack from General Burgoyne’s troops to the north. In September and October, the two battles of Saratoga between the armies commenced. Though the first had been a tactical victory for Burgoyne, despite many casualties, the second was a much-needed triumph for the Continental Army. On October 17th, 1777, General Burgoyne surrendered to the Continental troops, led by Major General Gates, who would receive a majority of the credit for the success of the battle.
Though
General Gates is often credited for the success at the Battles of Saratoga,
later events would supplant his good reputation. He had gained command of the
Northern Department, as well as a major victory, but remained ambitious for yet
a higher rank. During the winter of 1777-1778, Gates’ friends and supporters in
the Continental Congress were suspected of trying to replace George Washington
with Gates as the Commander-in-Chief.[xliii]
The Conway Cabal, as it would come to be known, did not come to pass, but
Gates’ involvement in the plot was enough to impact his reputation. On October 22,
1778[xliv]
Gates took charge of the Eastern Department (New England) and then on June 13th,
1780, he was transferred by the Continental Congress to act as the head of the
Southern Department.[xlv]
Gates and his army lost the Battle of Camden, August 16th, 1780, and
he was replaced by Nathanael Greene.[xlvi]
Later in October 1780 his son, Robert Gates, died. Gates returned home to
Virginia in defeat and was never again trusted with field command.
Outcomes:
Both
Major General Philip Schuyler and Major General Horatio Gates left service in
the Northern Department of the Continental Army in less than ideal
circumstances. They had grown their
reputation as military leaders and then acted in ways that did not promote
themselves as high quality officers. As a civilian but also Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, Schuyler remained involved with several Continental campaigns.
He was an architect of the scorched-earth Clinton-Sullivan campaign against the
Haudenosaunee people, but never sought direct command again, even as the
Congress requested for him to retake command. Gates, due to his involvement in
an attempt to oust General Washington, was distrusted and removed from the
possibility of future command.
The pair of major
generals had been at war with each other for command of the Northern Department
for nearly a year and yet the conflict spiraled outward and overall impacted
their effectiveness as leaders. They were both ineffective at varying times.
Schuyler’s bouts of illness frequently made it impossible for him to carry out
his ambitious plans on the Northern and Western frontiers. Pro-Gates propaganda
took advantage of Schuyler’s consistent ill health and sectional divisions to
lower the estimation of his character in the minds of those who supported
Gates. On the other hand, Gates’ personal ambitions for higher positions
diverted his focus from military strategy and logistics. Though Gates
eventually won command of the Northern Department and led it to victory, his
subsequent missteps tanked his reputation.
[iii] https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/047fce00-3733-0134-2ce0-00505686d14e?canvasIndex=1
NYPL Philip Schuyler Papers
[iv]
Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 17 + http://aleph0.clarku.edu/~djoyce/gen/albany/part4.html#marriage
(Dutch Reformed Church Records)
[v]
Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 23-24
[vi]
Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 24
[vii]
Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 27.
[viii]
Nelson 8-9.
[ix]
Nelson 8-9.
[x]
Nelson 11.
[xi]
Nelson 14.
[xii]
Nelson 18-19.
[xiii]
Nelson 24-26.
[xiv]
Nelson 26.
[xv]
Nelson 30.
[xviii]
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044020407409&seq=118
Journal of the Continental Congress Vol 5, pg 526.
[xxiv]
“Samuel Adams to John Adams, 16 August 1776,” Founders Online, National
Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-04-02-0214.
[Original source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol.
4, February–August 1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1979, pp. 467–469.]
[xxv] “Samuel
Adams to John Adams, 9 January 1777,” Founders Online, National
Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-05-02-0036.
[Original source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol.
5, August 1776 – March
1778, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006,
pp. 68–71.]
[xxvii]
Nelson 78-79.
[xxviii]
“John Adams to Horatio Gates, 13 August 1776; 18 August 1776,” Founders
Online, National Archives,
https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-04-02-0203. [Original
source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 4, February–August
1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979,
pp. 450–451.]
[xxix]
Nelson 80-81 + Richard Varick to Philip Schuyler April 18 1777 (NYPL)
[xxx]
Nelson 84.
[xxxi]https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=9 Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8
(pg 375)
[xxxii]
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015058009385&seq=462
Letters of Members of the Continental Congress Vol II (pg 384)
[xxxiii]
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015058009385&seq=462
Letters of the Members of the Continental Congress Vol II (pg 385)
[xxxiv]
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=174
Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8 (pg 540).
[xxxv]
Nelson pg 87.
[xxxvi]
Nelson pg 92.
[xxxvii]
Nelson pg 94/100.
[xxxviii]
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.aa0016049256&seq=206
Hezekiah Smith pg 198-199.
[xxxix]
“John Adams to Abigail Adams, 20 July 1777,” Founders Online, National
Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/04-02-02-0228.
[Original source: The Adams Papers, Adams Family Correspondence,
vol. 2, June 1776 – March
1778, ed. L. H. Butterfield. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963,
pp. 285–286.]
[xl] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=230
Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8, pg 596.
[xli] “New
England Delegates to George Washington, 2 August 1777,” Founders
Online, National Archives,
https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-05-02-0154. [Original
source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 5, August
1776 – March
1778, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006,
pp. 261–262.]
[xlii]
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=238
Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8, pg 604.
[xliii]
Nelson 158.
[xliv]
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044097905335&seq=190
Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 12, pg 1038.
[xlv] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=nyp.33433091009070&seq=100
Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 17, pg 508.
[xlvi] Nelson 236; 252.
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