Bankrupt and Desperate: The Failed Delegation to Canada

By: Maria Karasavidis

What was meant to be a triumphant march through Canada as the liberators of its inhabitants, turned into a failed diplomatic mission in the spring of 1776. Following the catastrophic defeat of the Continental Army in Quebec on December 31st, 1775, commander of the Northern Department, Major General Philip Schuyler, pressed Congress to send a delegation into Canada. This delegation aimed to convince the inhabitants that supporting the American cause was beneficial to them. The military failures were significant enough that relations between the American colonies and Canada were strained and made political action on the part of Congress necessary. The major defeat at Quebec and Schuyler’s incessant urging, convinced Congress the need for intervention was greater than they had originally considered. 

On January 24, 1776, Congress drafted an address to the inhabitants of Canada along with an order that it be translated into French. 500 copies were printed for distribution. The goal of this address was to convince the Canadians that they had the same stakes in the war as the Americans, and that it was a logical conclusion to join forces against their shared oppressor. An excerpt of the address read:  

“We have also shewn you that your liberty, your honor and your happiness are essentially and necessarily connected with the unhappy contest, which we have been forced into for the defence [sic] of our dearest privileges.”1 

Benjamin Franklin.
Mezzotint after C.N. Cochin Jr., 1777.
Wellcome Collection.

Included in the address was also a request for the inhabitants to form a delegation that would represent Canadian interests in Congress. This address did not have the intended effect. Preudhome La Jeunesse, of Montreal, carried a report that the Canadian populace had at one point largely supported the American cause of independence, but the landed gentry and the Catholic leaders were supporters of the British, so much so that their influence had persuaded the once patriot-friendly Canadians back onto the side of the British.2 In response, the Americans claimed that the Catholic religious leaders in Canada were taking advantage of their congregations’ inability to read, and slanted messages about the colonies’ push for independence in a way that implied the Americans wanted to take away the religious liberties of Catholic Canadians. Congress concluded that the best way to ensure Canadians understood the Patriots’ true goals, was to send a committee in person to convince the gentry they had nothing to fear from American independence, and that it would be, in fact, mutually beneficial. Spurred into action by La Jeunesse’s report, a committee was formed with the intent of meeting with the Canadians face-to-face. The men chosen for this
delegation were Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll. Congress also instructed
Carroll to bring his cousin Reverend John Carroll, a Catholic priest, to aid in convincing the French-Canadian Catholics the American cause was one rooted in religious liberty for all. On February 26th, 1776, Congress also assigned printer Fleury Mesplet to the delegation to “set up his press and carry on the printing business.”3 There were no Patriot-aligned printing presses operational in Canada at the time, and it was thought essential that the inhabitants of Canada were exposed to the same ideas that were being presented in the colonies. This would protect their words from being misrepresented by those in Canada who supported the British. 

Samuel Chase. John Wesley Jarvis, 1811.
 National Portrait Gallery Collection.

One British officer from Massachusetts, Moses Hazen, living in semi-retirement in Canada, had much of his property confiscated in late 1775, due to suspicion that he harbored sympathy for the Patriot cause. In response to this seizure, he joined General Montgomery against the British at Montreal and Quebec. In April, he wrote to General Schuyler echoing a similar sentiment to that of La Jeunesse: that after the loss of Quebec, the Canadians were suffering from, “such a change in their Disposition, that we are no more to look upon them as friends; but on the contrary waiting on an opportunity to join our Enemies.”4 

The delegation was assembled on February 15th but waited until March 20th when the orders came to set out.5 This delay could have been due to the inclement weather posing a threat to the members’ safety, especially that of the 70-year-old Franklin. The instructions given by Congress laid out a lengthy list of responsibilities for the group but also gave them a large amount of power over American interests in Canada. They were given permission to vote in war councils, temporarily decommission officers, and oversee the building or razing of fortifications.  

On March 11th, Franklin wrote to Philip Schuyler, informing him that he was part of a committee tasked with going to Canada, giving him advance notice of their arrival in Albany so that Schuyler might “more easily… make any Preparation you shall judge necessary to facilitate and expedite our Journey, which I am sure you will be kindly dispos’d to do for us.”6 In this letter Franklin also informed Schuyler of the committee’s plans to travel by water to Albany if the Hudson was passable at that point in the season. The committee, comprised of Franklin, Chase, Charles Carroll, and John Carroll, as well as an indeterminate number of enslaved people (referred to in passing in a letter from Franklin as “Servants”) departed from New York City on April 2nd. 7 

Charles Carroll.
Michael Laty, 1846.

Charles Carroll kept a diary of the expedition, and in it he included several mentions of the assistance extended to them by Major General Philip Schuyler. They arrived at Schuyler’s home in Albany on April 7th, and Caroll recorded being invited to dine there with the General and his daughters Elizabeth and Margaret, who Carroll described as “lively and amiable.”8 While with the Schuylers, Benjamin Franklin also provided Peruvian Bark, a common fever remedy, to Philip Schuyler to help with one of his ailments. They left Albany on the 9th and “travelled in a wagon in company with Mrs. Schuyler, her two daughters, and Generals Schuyler and Thomas.” They arrived at Schuyler’s home in Saratoga that evening. Philip Schuyler journeyed ahead of the delegation to Fort George to monitor the condition of ice on the lake to ensure they would have optimal travel conditions to reach their destination. After waiting out the weather in Saratoga, the delegation received word that the ice had cleared enough for travel, and they set out again on April 16th. 

Portrait of Bishop John Carroll,
Gilbert Stuart c.1804

When the delegation arrived in Canada on April 29th, they ran into several issues. By bringing the Carrolls, who were Catholics, Congress hoped to show that Americans respected the Canadians’ right to practice Catholicism. This right, however, was already granted to the Canadians through the Quebec Act passed by the British Parliament in 1774. The Quebec Act removed references to Protestantism in the oath of allegiance made by public officials and reinstated the ability of the Catholic Church to collect tithes in Canada. American colonists labeled the Quebec Act as one of the Intolerable Acts that eventually led to the breakout of fighting in 1775. Reverend Carroll was only able to meet with one clergyman while in Montreal. The rest refused to meet with him on the orders of the archbishop of the province, Jean-Olivier Briand. Briand, against the American
Revolution, instructed religious officials in Montreal not to meet with the delegates. Briand was displeased that Carroll, as a religious leader, would participate in a political operation. This stonewalling caused a swift end to hope of using a religious angle to win over the French Canadians. 

Another concern was Canadian unwillingness to accept American currency. This had been a persistent issue since the Continental Army began their Canadian campaign in the late summer of 1775. General Montgomery wrote to Philip Schuyler about the Canadians’ distrust of the highly unstable colonial paper money, and that Canadian merchants would only accept the money at less than its value, leading to its further depreciation. In his final letter before his death, Montgomery suggested they, “send down to the Army such Articles as Soldiers have to lay out their money upon, employing sutlers or that purpose who will receive our pay the troops may then be paid in Continental Currency, which will not be depreciated, the Soldier will not grumble as he may be regularly paid, and by degrees the Inhabitants may acquire confidence in it seeing our merchants take it freely.”9  

The financial situation continued to spiral downward following the defeat at Quebec. The Committee, in a letter to John Hancock, wrote, “It is impossible to give you a just idea of the lowness of the Continental credit here from the want of hard money, and the prejudice it is to our affairs.”10 The letter goes on to say they had to find a merchant sympathetic to the American cause who was willing to exchange their paper money for specie so they could pay for their carriages. They suggested sending 20,000 pounds so that a bank could be established for the purpose of exchanging Continental currency. This constant lack of funds led many of the inhabitants of Canada to conclude that the Continental Congress was “bankrupt and their cause as desperate.”11 

Franklin quickly became disillusioned with the delegation’s prospects of encouraging the Canadians to support the American cause, or even to maintain neutrality. He considered the attitude of the Canadians to be hostile towards the colonies. Franklin also worried about the state on the Continental Army in Canada; the lack of supplies, due to the currency issue, and how that affected the troops. A report to the delegation from Major General John Thomas wrote, 

“I examined into the state of the Army, and found, by the returns, there were one thousand nine hundred men, only one thousand of whom were fit for duty, including officers; the rest were invalids, chiefly with the small-pox. Three hundred of those effective were soldiers whose inlistments expired the 15th ultimo, many of whom refused duty, and all were very importunate to return home… In all our magazines there were but about one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, and six days provisions. The French inhabitants were much disaffected, so that supplies of any kind were obtained with great difficulty from them.”12 

Thomas, who would die from smallpox himself only a month later, painted a bleak picture of the future of the army in that part of the continent. 

The apparent futility of the delegation’s mission was clear by early May. In addition, Franklin’s ill health, which was exacerbated by the journey, caused him to leave Canada in the company of Reverend Carroll, leaving Chase and Charles Carroll behind to continue their work. On May 11th, Charles Carroll wrote in his diary that Franklin would be leaving Canada early and returning to Congress, holding “the doctor’s declining health, and the bad prospect of our affairs in Canada,” responsible for this decision.13  

On the return trip from Canada, Franklin once again relied on the hospitality of Major General Schuyler. He wrote a letter mentioning his gratitude that Schuyler had lent him a post chaise driven by a man named Lewis, who may have been enslaved by Schuyler, as he crossed over treacherous terrain, and feared that with a less talented driver, such as himself, he would have sustained injury. 

The remaining members of the delegation departed Canada on June 2nd when it was apparent that Montreal would soon be back under British auspices. After two months, they were unable to make any progress towards cementing an alliance with the French in Canada. For the remainder of the war, the Americans would pursue no further attempts at diplomatic or military campaigns in Canada. The French would only be to back the American cause following the success at the Battles of Saratoga in 1777. 

Sources:

[1] Journals of the continental congress v.4 January 24 1776

[2] “The Committee of Secret Correspondence: a Report to Congress, [on or before 14 February 1776],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0211. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 22, March 23, 1775, through October 27, 1776, ed. William B. Willcox. New Haven and London:: Yale University Press, 1982, pp. 350–353.]

[3] Minutes of the Continental Congress, Vol. 4., February 26, 1776

[4] Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "1776 April 1" The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/5d028bd0-3733-0134-614c-00505686d14e

[5] “Instructions and Commission from Congress to Franklin, Charles Carroll, and Samuel Chase for the Canadian Mission, 20 March 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0228. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 22, March 23, 1775, through October 27, 1776, ed. William B. Willcox. New Haven and London:: Yale University Press, 1982, pp. 380–386.]

[6] “Benjamin Franklin to Philip Schuyler, 11 March 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0227. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 22, March 23, 1775, through October 27, 1776, ed. William B. Willcox. New Haven and London:: Yale University Press, 1982, pp. 379–380.]

[7] “Benjamin Franklin to Philip Schuyler, 11 March 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0227. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 22, March 23, 1775, through October 27, 1776, ed. William B. Willcox. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1982, pp. 379–380.]

[8] Charles Carroll’s Diary April 7, 1776.

[9] Richard Montgomery to Philip Schuyler, 26 December 1775, New York Public Library, George Washington Papers.

[10] “The Commissioners to Canada to John Hancock, 1 May 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0244. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 22, March 23, 1775, through October 27, 1776, ed. William B. Willcox. New Haven and London:: Yale University Press, 1982, pp. 413–415.]

[11] “The Commissioners to Canada to John Hancock, 1 May 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0244. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 22, March 23, 1775, through October 27, 1776, ed. William B. Willcox. New Haven and London:: Yale University Press, 1982, pp. 413–415.]

[12] John Thomas to the Commissioners to Canada. Reprinted from Peter Force, ed., American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs... (4th series; 6 vols., [Washington, D.C.,] 1837-46),VI, 451-2.

[13] Charles Carroll’s Diary, May 11, 1776