This blog was written by Sarah Lindecke, a Fall 2023 intern at Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site from Siena College ‘s History and Public History program. The letter examined in this blog had been one of interest for various other Schuyler Mansion staff members but was taken up for examination by the intern. Connecting winter labor to the enslaved men mentioned in the letter brings a great opportunity to examine the lives and social spaces of the enslaved during the colder parts of the year.
Twenty Large Pitch Pine Logs: Enslaved People at the Schuyler Saratoga Property and Their Spaces of Socialization
As
winter
continues here in the Northeast, we can look
back on how 18th
century labor changed with the colder weather. This
is particularly interesting in the case of the
people
enslaved by the Schuyler family. The labor
of these individuals was
not self-directed,
but
dictated by their enslaver first and the
weather
second. Historians
often forget to consider the impact of these isolating trips, or the weather encountered
while laboring. Weather was a factor in the everyday life of the enslaved, determining
much about the character of their labor. There are multiple letters in the
Schuyler papers that provide evidence of this, but one of the strongest
examples comes from a letter written by Philip Lansing to Philip Schuyler on
December 27th, 1771. The late December letter covers the logging done during
the winter months up at Saratoga. Logging was commonly done in the cold
weather as it was impossible to farm during
the long winter months. Instead of farming, winter labor would turn to focus on
the process of felling logs out in the countryside, then using sleds to
transport them to local mills for processing. Having a sufficient supply of
wood was crucial during the cold winter
months because wood was the main fuel for heating and cooking. Without access
to ample supplies of wood, people risked freezing or suffering other ills of
the cold.
In
the December 27th
letter, Lansing described this winter labor:
“The
horse sleds have drawn thirty-four pieces of pitch pine timber since you Left
this Lisbon, Dick, & Bob have cut them, they have Also cut twenty large
pitch pine logs... I am this Day going with three Horse sleds to the Mill at Batskill
[Battenkill] to Ride Logs there, Henry Mynerd
And the rest of the tenants are to bring up the Hay this Day_the
ice has broke
the upper flid Gates of the Mill Race but has done no Damage to the Race
Neither Grist Mill nor Saw Mill...”
This
letter conjures an image of a cold and remote place where men, free and
enslaved, worked together at felling hearty pitch pine trees,
then preparing them for transport. This excerpt lays out the process—from
felling trees to sending them to the mill. First, the trees would be cut and
pulled to the ground where they could be limbed and potentially cut or split
into smaller sections as needed, then loaded onto the sleds. Perhaps
ironically, winter’s cold and snowy conditions
provided for a less complicated job—the snow allowed for easier transportation
on sleds, while the hard frozen ground helped minimize erosion of the woodlots
or other forest damage while logging.
"A Black Wood Cutter at Shelburne, Nova Scotia,: by William Booth
From
Lansing’s letter, it appears the enslaved men, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob, were the
ones tasked with carrying out the first steps of the logging process. This was
a cumbersome job, and Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have felt the cold even when
properly outfitted for the freezing temperatures. Schuyler receipts show
he often hired cobblers to sometimes make, but far more often only repair,
shoes for the people he enslaved. Cheaper army rates by comparison show that
the work Schuyler paid for on numerous occasions was of a good quality
cobbling. Yet, they were still wearing shoes that were only repaired when
Schuyler called on a cobbler. He did so frequently because it was important to
keep clothing and equipment in good shape due to the demanding and dangerous
conditions of the work.
Bob,
Dick, and Lisbon would have been dressed for this work in wool coats and socks,
knit caps, and possibly even full-length trousers (as opposed to the more
common and fashionable knee-length breeches). Clothing examples from advertisements for the
recapture of escaped servants often listed
the clothing worn by the enslaved, many of which showed that wool garments were
commonly worn. One such
example from a September 1st,
1774, advertisement shows notes the clothing of a man named Bram
at the time of his runaway as:
“...a white woolen homespun jacket, a wool hat, a woolen shirt, buckskin bre eches, linen trousers, a pair of grey stockings, a good pair of shoes and plated buckles...”
Wool
was a ubiquitous clothing material prized for its warmth and durability.
Furthermore, in the snow wool can have water repellant properties. While
Schuyler, who himself would not have been
required to work out in the cold, was not
primarily concerned with the comfort of those he enslaved, he would
have inevitably lost money on what he saw as an
“investment”
should he have failed to keep the people he enslaved properly outfitted while
they completed their labor outside.
After
the logs were partially processed, they would have been taken on horse sleds to
the mill for further refinement. This letter indicates that there was
enough snow for travel using horse sleds, which was the most effective means
for transportation of the logs to the mill as the snow would allow the sleds to
glide, taking some of the weight off the horses as they pulled them. Without
the use of sleds, the weight of the logs would have been a difficult burden to
haul. The letter makes no mention of who drove the sleds and horses at the
logging site. However, other letters reveal that the three men mentioned were
often in charge of work involving transportation, such as carting bottles of
oil and retrieving horses as mentioned in a June 20th,
1790, that notes “I would send
the wine & Muscovado sugar by Captain Bogarts.” This was a
prized skill and responsibility for an enslaved person because any specialized
skill provided the enslaved with opportunities to work on special jobs or,
occasionally, made it possible for them to seek outside employment opportunities
or income. Furthermore, special skills could translate to less direct
supervision and scrutiny from the Schuylers
or their overseers.
Once
transported to the mill, the timbers would be processed down into logs of
varying sizes. The logs may have been split to make framing for the
construction of homes to meet the constant need for more housing. At the time
there was a growing population of
newcomers
to the region from across the Northeastern colonies as colonists across the
Northeast sought to escape the crowded lands of the New England for the less
populated Albany and Mohawk valley. The logs also could have become firewood
that would be transported from the mill to the Schuyler residence or be sold
off for profit.
When
examining the toll of labor, it’s important to
remember that almost all
enslaved labor would have been completed in harsh conditions. Farming and the
hauling of goods was undertaken outside in varying and sometimes rather
harsh
climates. Under the hot sun there was risk of heat stroke or dehydration.
Dick was cited in at least one medical record as being
treated for chronic hernias, a condition consistent with hard labor and heavy
lifting. Similar ailments plagued Dick and the other enslaved people under
Schuyler’s purview. Medicines for joint problems or skin burns and rashes were
much more common than anything treating cold weather
conditions, though rare occurrences are evident.
Schuyler’s medical registers show a lack
of
cold
weather-related
illnesses and ailments
among the people he enslaved, which
speaks to the attention he took to their
health.
The
harsh winter weather alone made outdoor labor dangerous no matter the ease of
access to medical treatment.
Beyond
the impact of cold weather on the body, it’s equally as important to consider
how winter impacted socialization and social spaces. The enslaved men mentioned
in Lansing’s letter, Lisbon, Dick, & Bob, may have left any friends and
family they had for an indeterminate amount of time. Saratoga was not completely
remote, but during the winter it would have been nearly impossible to justify
travel back to Albany unless Schuyler required it. Furthermore, travel between
Saratoga and Albany could have been halted by snow making it difficult to
return to friends and family. With most, if not all, family and friends out of
reach, Dick, Lisbon, and Bob likely had a limited sphere of socialization while
at Saratoga. They had each other, but otherwise likely felt a disconnect from
Lansing and his hired free laborers. Their status as enslaved men kept them
intentionally separated from the social communities of free white men—the men
who oversaw the operation.
Between
the strenuous labor of logging, hauling, and milling and the separation from
their family and friends, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob would have felt the great toll
of social isolation at the same time as physical strain. This social isolation
was a weight on the men that may have been difficult to voice or combat. Their
condition of enslavement ensured there was a limited social space for Lisbon,
Dick, and Bob. Community and socialization were not at their whim. This reality
circumscribed the social lives of the enslaved which was already limited by
weather and the labors passed down in orders from enslavers. The lack of
written sources from the perspective of enslaved people presents challenges in
accurately documenting their stories, leaving it very difficult
to make concrete conclusions about the social lives of the enslaved. However,
as Lansing’s 1771 letter illustrates there is a lot to be taken from vague
references or mentions of enslaved people. Lisbon, Dick, and Bob make frequent
appearances in other Schuyler papers and though these mentions don’t
provide concrete details about these men they still offer opportunities to
examine context. Reading about the labor the enslaved would do or the people they
met helps add to an overall understanding of their lives. The enslaved do not reside
outside of documentation and can be sought
through the combining of multiple sources and the consideration of wider
possibilities.
The
environment surrounding Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have included family or
friends with them at Saratoga also engaged
in their own set of winter labors. The men staying at Saratoga would have
wanted to have someone available to cook meals, mend clothing, or keep the
fire. These jobs were often the work of women so it is possible
Lisbon,
Dick, or Bob could have been in community with a woman from Albany they’d
been familiar with. Furthermore, it is possible that the routine of traveling
to Saratoga for logging brought the possibility of seeing familiar groups of
men each winter for the logging. Few people are mentioned in Lansing’s letter,
so it is entirely possible there were many others at the logging camp who were
familiar acquaintances. These friends may have been companions in joking or
storytelling between labors. In either of these cases,
the trip to Saratoga appears lighter, still burdened with the weight of
enslavement, but with space for some levity between social connections.
Philip
Lansing’s December 27, 1771, letter is an opportunity to portray the
experiences of enslaved and free laborers during the cold
winter
months in New York. At the forefront of this letter is the content covering the
winter work of logging and milling that would have been ever present during the
winter for the able-bodied. This letter also provides space for discussion
about the enslaved men Lisbon, Dick, and Bob,
who were brought to Saratoga as enslaved laborers at the logging camp. Their
isolation from family and friends or the created community at Saratoga is
important to remember because it speaks to the spaces of socialization the
enslaved contended with. Weather, labor, and orders from enslavers set
boundaries on the socialization available to them. Beyond the content of
Lansing’s 1771 letter there are many other Schuyler Papers in the NYPL
Collection and Schuyler Mansion collections that provide space for research
about the lives of the enslaved.
Bibliography
Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia."sawmill." Encyclopedia Britannica, January 10, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/technology/sawmill.
Defebaugh, James Elliot. History of the Lumber Industry in America, Vol. 1 (Chicago: The American Lumberman, 1906), 308-309.
Thompson JR, Carpenter DN, Cogbill CV, Foster DR (2013) Four Centuries of Change in
Northeastern United States Forests. PLoS
ONE 8(9): e72540. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0072540
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