“The Liberty to Request:” Angelica Schuyler Church and Slavery

 by Jessie Serfilippi

Letter from Angelica Schuyler Church to John Tayler,
 requesting to purchased an enslaved girl from Mrs. Van Dyck.
Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site Collections. 

Angelica Schuyler Church (1756-1814), the Schuylers’ eldest daughter, traveled a lot throughout the 1780s and 1790s. A few years after her marriage to Englishman John Barker Church (1748-1818) in 1777, she and her husband moved abroad to Paris and London with brief visits home throughout the nearly fifteen years they were away. She traveled between Newport, Boston, Albany, and New York, as well as Paris and London. Before, during, and after her visits home, she consistently looked for and attempted to purchase enslaved people. Recently, Schuyler Mansion acquired a new letter that adds to our knowledge of Angelica as an enslaver, as well as slavery within the wider Schuyler family. 

In 1780, Angelica was living away from Albany with her husband, John Barker Church, who was then using the alias John Carter as he was evading debt in his native England. Under the alias of Angelica Carter, the eldest Schuyler child penned a letter to John Tayler requesting his help in purchasing an enslaved child. Tayler, a man of many hats, often served as a middleman for the Schuylers in various transactions. In this case, Angelica, still living in Boston, asked for his help in purchasing Mrs. Van Dyck’s enslaved child. Referring to herself in the third person, Angelica wrote “Mrs. Carter takes the Liberty to request of Mr. Taylor to purchase for her, the little negro Girl that commonly attends Mrs. Vandyck.” The reason she requested this child in particular was because she heard “Mrs. Vandyck has gone to New York and if that is true tis probable her servants will be sold.”

This letter provides a valuable insight into how the Schuylers, and people of the time period in general, referred to the enslaved. Angelica referred to the people enslaved by Mrs. Van Dyck as “servants,” but they were clearly enslaved because she asked to purchase them. Historians of the 18^th century often see similar references, but in this one, it is made clear that the “servants” have a monetary value prescribed to them and can be purchased. This shows that “servant” was interchangeable with “slave” to families like the Schuylers. These were the common semantics of the 18^th century, even if these words do not hold the same meaning today.

Just two years later, Angelica made a similar request of her parents. In 1782, Philip Schuyler wrote to Angelica that “Your mama will strive all in her power to procure you a good wench they are rare to be met with.”[1] Any follow-up to the letter is unknown, but this assurance from Philip Schuyler that Angelica’s mother was searching for an enslaved girl or woman for Angelica shows that the Churches regularly enslaved people when in the United States. It also shows that Angelica was active in choosing who she wanted to enslave. In the first letter, she sought a young girl enslaved by Mrs. Van Dyck, and, in this letter, she requested her parents find her an enslaved woman. The Schuylers seemingly thought it was natural for them to enslave people, which meant it was likely Angelica did, too.

In 1784, Margaret “Peggy” Schuyler van Rensselaer, Angelica’s younger sister, asked their brother-in-law, Alexander Hamilton, to do a favor for Angelica, who was abroad at the time. Peggy requested that Hamilton contact the man Angelica had sold one of her enslaved people to and ask if she could re-enslave him during her upcoming visit to the United States. Hamilton wrote to John Chaloner, a man with whom the Churches often conducted business, on Angelica’s behalf. This letter to Chaloner shows again how enslaving people was engrained in and natural to the entire Schuyler family. Hamilton wrote:

Mrs. Renselaaer [Peggy Schuyler] has requested me to write to you concerning a negro, Ben, formerly belonging to Mrs. Carter [Angelica] who was sold for a term of years to Major Jackson. Mrs. Church has written to her sister that she is very desirous of having him back again; and you are requested if Major Jackson will part with him to purchase his remaining time for Mrs. Church and to send him on to me.[2]

Angelica had sold Ben for a “term of years” to Major Jackson and was now requesting him back for her brief visit home. In a follow-up letter, Major Jackson wrote he “declines parting with Ben, but says when Mrs Church returns he will let her have him should she request it but will not part with him to any body else.”[3] It’s unclear if this actually happened when Angelica returned, but the request on Angelica’s behalf shows her desire to re-enslave Ben.

In 1797, Angelica and her family returned to New York City from England, where they lived until Angelica’s death in 1814. Shortly before their return, Hamilton once again was engaged as their middleman. His cashbook shows he purchased three people for the Churches: two women and a child.[4] One of the women may have been Sarah, who appeared before the New York Manumission Society in 1799, stating she had been illegally brought to New York from Maryland in 1793, and was sold to the Churches since then.[5] Based on Hamilton’s recorded transactions and when the Churches returned to New York, it’s possible she was one of the women purchased for the Churches before their 1797 return to New York City. She was freed by the New York Manumission Society in 1799.

These letters and sources not only tell us the story of enslavement within the Church household, but more specifically show Angelica’s involvement in the institution of slavery. Far too often, only men are mentioned in sources surrounding enslavement because it is typically their records and their letters that have survived to the present day. While both the letter penned by Philip Schuyler and the one written by Alexander Hamilton show Angelica’s involvement in slavery, the one written in her own hand is an even more direct link. It’s a somewhat rare opportunity to show women were just as directly and fully involved in slavery as men. They not only directed enslaved people on tasks, but actively sought out who they wanted to enslave and engaged in the financial transactions of purchasing people. Angelica Schuyler Church was no exception.

---

[1] “Philip Schuyler to Angelica Schuyler Church, 20 September 1782,” Church Papers, Yale Library.

[2] “From Alexander Hamilton to John Chaloner, [11 November 1784],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-03-02-0390. [Original source: The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 3, 1782–1786, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1962, pp. 584–585.]

[3] “To Alexander Hamilton from John Chaloner, 25 November 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-03-02-0392. [Original source: The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, vol. 3, 1782–1786, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1962, pp. 587–588.]

[4] “Account with John Barker Church, [15 June 1797],” Founders Online, National Archives, version of January 18,

2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-21-02-0067. [Original source: The Papers of Alexander

Hamilton, vol. 21, April 1797 – July 1798, ed. Harold C. Syrett. New York: Columbia University Press, 1974, pp.

109–112.]

[5] Minutes, May 18, 1791-February 19, 1807, New York Manumission Society Records 1785-1849, Manuscript Collections Relating to Slavery, New York Historical Society, Manhattan, 113.

Twenty Large Pitch Pine Logs: Enslaved People at the Schuyler Saratoga Property and Their Spaces of Socialization

This blog was written by Sarah Lindecke, a Fall 2023 intern at Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site from Siena College ‘s History and Public History program. The letter examined in this blog had been one of interest for various other Schuyler Mansion staff members but was taken up for examination by the intern. Connecting winter labor to the enslaved men mentioned in the letter brings a great opportunity to examine the lives and social spaces of the enslaved during the colder parts of the year.  

 

Twenty Large Pitch Pine Logs: Enslaved People at the Schuyler Saratoga Property and Their Spaces of Socialization 

 

As winter continues here in the Northeast, we can look back on how 18^th century labor changed with the colder weather. This is particularly interesting in the case of the people enslaved by the Schuyler family. The labor of these individuals was not self-directed, but dictated by their enslaver first and the weather second. Historians often forget to consider the impact of these isolating trips, or the weather encountered while laboring. Weather was a factor in the everyday life of the enslaved, determining much about the character of their labor. There are multiple letters in the Schuyler papers that provide evidence of this, but one of the strongest examples comes from a letter written by Philip Lansing to Philip Schuyler on December 27th, 1771. The late December letter covers the logging done during the winter months up at Saratoga. Logging was commonly done in the cold weather as it was impossible to farm during the long winter months. Instead of farming, winter labor would turn to focus on the process of felling logs out in the countryside, then using sleds to transport them to local mills for processing. Having a sufficient supply of wood was crucial during the cold winter months because wood was the main fuel for heating and cooking. Without access to ample supplies of wood, people risked freezing or suffering other ills of the cold.  

 

In the December 27^th letter, Lansing described this winter labor: 

 

“The horse sleds have drawn thirty-four pieces of pitch pine timber since you Left this Lisbon, Dick, & Bob have cut them, they have Also cut twenty large pitch pine logs... I am this Day going with three Horse sleds to the Mill at Batskill [Battenkill] to Ride Logs there, Henry Mynerd And the rest of the tenants are to bring up the Hay this Day_the ice has broke the upper flid Gates of the Mill Race but has done no Damage to the Race Neither Grist Mill nor Saw Mill...”  

 

This letter conjures an image of a cold and remote place where men, free and enslaved, worked together at felling hearty pitch pine trees, then preparing them for transport. This excerpt lays out the process—from felling trees to sending them to the mill. First, the trees would be cut and pulled to the ground where they could be limbed and potentially cut or split into smaller sections as needed, then loaded onto the sleds. Perhaps ironically, winter’s cold and snowy conditions provided for a less complicated job—the snow allowed for easier transportation on sleds, while the hard frozen ground helped minimize erosion of the woodlots or other forest damage while logging.  

 

"A Black Wood Cutter at Shelburne, Nova Scotia,: by William Booth

Library and Archives Canada, Acc. No. 1970-188-1090 W.H. Coverdale Collection of Canadiana

 

From Lansing’s letter, it appears the enslaved men, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob, were the ones tasked with carrying out the first steps of the logging process. This was a cumbersome job, and Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have felt the cold even when properly outfitted for the freezing temperatures.  Schuyler receipts show he often hired cobblers to sometimes make, but far more often only repair, shoes for the people he enslaved. Cheaper army rates by comparison show that the work Schuyler paid for on numerous occasions was of a good quality cobbling. Yet, they were still wearing shoes that were only repaired when Schuyler called on a cobbler. He did so frequently because it was important to keep clothing and equipment in good shape due to the demanding and dangerous conditions of the work. 

 

Bob, Dick, and Lisbon would have been dressed for this work in wool coats and socks, knit caps, and possibly even full-length trousers (as opposed to the more common and fashionable knee-length breeches). Clothing examples from advertisements for the recapture of escaped servants often listed the clothing worn by the enslaved, many of which showed that wool garments were commonly worn. One such example from a September 1^st, 1774, advertisement shows notes the clothing of a man named Bram at the time of his runaway as:  

“...a white woolen homespun jacket, a wool hat, a woolen shirt, buckskin bre eches, linen trousers, a pair of grey stockings, a good pair of shoes and plated buckles...”  

Wool was a ubiquitous clothing material prized for its warmth and durability. Furthermore, in the snow wool can have water repellant properties. While Schuyler, who himself would not have been required to work out in the cold, was not primarily concerned with the comfort of those he enslaved, he would have inevitably lost money on what he saw as an “investment” should he have failed to keep the people he enslaved properly outfitted while they completed their labor outside.  

 

After the logs were partially processed, they would have been taken on horse sleds to the mill for further refinement.  This letter indicates that there was enough snow for travel using horse sleds, which was the most effective means for transportation of the logs to the mill as the snow would allow the sleds to glide, taking some of the weight off the horses as they pulled them. Without the use of sleds, the weight of the logs would have been a difficult burden to haul. The letter makes no mention of who drove the sleds and horses at the logging site. However, other letters reveal that the three men mentioned were often in charge of work involving transportation, such as carting bottles of oil and retrieving horses as mentioned in a June 20^th, 1790, that notes “I would send the wine & Muscovado sugar by Captain Bogarts.” This was a prized skill and responsibility for an enslaved person because any specialized skill provided the enslaved with opportunities to work on special jobs or, occasionally, made it possible for them to seek outside employment opportunities or income. Furthermore, special skills could translate to less direct supervision and scrutiny from the Schuylers or their overseers.  

 

Once transported to the mill, the timbers would be processed down into logs of varying sizes. The logs may have been split to make framing for the construction of homes to meet the constant need for more housing. At the time there was a growing population of newcomers to the region from across the Northeastern colonies as colonists across the Northeast sought to escape the crowded lands of the New England for the less populated Albany and Mohawk valley. The logs also could have become firewood that would be transported from the mill to the Schuyler residence or be sold off for profit.   

 

When examining the toll of labor, it’s important to remember that almost all enslaved labor would have been completed in harsh conditions. Farming and the hauling of goods was undertaken outside in varying and sometimes rather harsh climates. Under the hot sun there was risk of heat stroke or dehydration. Dick was cited in at least one medical record as being treated for chronic hernias, a condition consistent with hard labor and heavy lifting. Similar ailments plagued Dick and the other enslaved people under Schuyler’s purview. Medicines for joint problems or skin burns and rashes were much more common than anything treating cold weather conditions, though rare occurrences are evident. Schuyler’s medical registers show a lack of cold weather-related illnesses and ailments among the people he enslaved, which speaks to the attention he took to their health. The harsh winter weather alone made outdoor labor dangerous no matter the ease of access to medical treatment. 

 

Beyond the impact of cold weather on the body, it’s equally as important to consider how winter impacted socialization and social spaces. The enslaved men mentioned in Lansing’s letter, Lisbon, Dick, & Bob, may have left any friends and family they had for an indeterminate amount of time. Saratoga was not completely remote, but during the winter it would have been nearly impossible to justify travel back to Albany unless Schuyler required it. Furthermore, travel between Saratoga and Albany could have been halted by snow making it difficult to return to friends and family. With most, if not all, family and friends out of reach, Dick, Lisbon, and Bob likely had a limited sphere of socialization while at Saratoga. They had each other, but otherwise likely felt a disconnect from Lansing and his hired free laborers. Their status as enslaved men kept them intentionally separated from the social communities of free white men—the men who oversaw the operation. 

 

Between the strenuous labor of logging, hauling, and milling and the separation from their family and friends, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob would have felt the great toll of social isolation at the same time as physical strain. This social isolation was a weight on the men that may have been difficult to voice or combat. Their condition of enslavement ensured there was a limited social space for Lisbon, Dick, and Bob. Community and socialization were not at their whim. This reality circumscribed the social lives of the enslaved which was already limited by weather and the labors passed down in orders from enslavers. The lack of written sources from the perspective of enslaved people presents challenges in accurately documenting their stories, leaving it very difficult to make concrete conclusions about the social lives of the enslaved. However, as Lansing’s 1771 letter illustrates there is a lot to be taken from vague references or mentions of enslaved people. Lisbon, Dick, and Bob make frequent appearances in other Schuyler papers and though these mentions don’t provide concrete details about these men they still offer opportunities to examine context. Reading about the labor the enslaved would do or the people they met helps add to an overall understanding of their lives. The enslaved do not reside outside of documentation and can be sought through the combining of multiple sources and the consideration of wider possibilities.  

 

The environment surrounding Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have included family or friends with them at Saratoga also engaged in their own set of winter labors. The men staying at Saratoga would have wanted to have someone available to cook meals, mend clothing, or keep the fire. These jobs were often the work of women so it is possible Lisbon, Dick, or Bob could have been in community with a woman from Albany they’d been familiar with. Furthermore, it is possible that the routine of traveling to Saratoga for logging brought the possibility of seeing familiar groups of men each winter for the logging. Few people are mentioned in Lansing’s letter, so it is entirely possible there were many others at the logging camp who were familiar acquaintances. These friends may have been companions in joking or storytelling between labors. In either of these cases, the trip to Saratoga appears lighter, still burdened with the weight of enslavement, but with space for some levity between social connections.  

 

Philip Lansing’s December 27, 1771, letter is an opportunity to portray the experiences of enslaved and free laborers during the cold winter months in New York. At the forefront of this letter is the content covering the winter work of logging and milling that would have been ever present during the winter for the able-bodied. This letter also provides space for discussion about the enslaved men Lisbon, Dick, and Bob, who were brought to Saratoga as enslaved laborers at the logging camp. Their isolation from family and friends or the created community at Saratoga is important to remember because it speaks to the spaces of socialization the enslaved contended with. Weather, labor, and orders from enslavers set boundaries on the socialization available to them. Beyond the content of Lansing’s 1771 letter there are many other Schuyler Papers in the NYPL Collection and Schuyler Mansion collections that provide space for research about the lives of the enslaved. 

 

Bibliography 

 

Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia."sawmill." Encyclopedia Britannica, January 10, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/technology/sawmill. 

Defebaugh, James Elliot. History of the Lumber Industry in America, Vol. 1 (Chicago: The American Lumberman, 1906), 308-309. 

Thompson JR, Carpenter DN, Cogbill CV, Foster DR (2013) Four Centuries of Change in

Northeastern United States Forests. PLoS

ONE 8(9): e72540. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0072540 

https://fotm.link/b2973800-b4b3-4edd-b9fa-6f98a17e612c  

Taken up North: Sold for a Carpet

This blog was written by Sarah Lindecke, a Fall 2023 intern at Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site from Siena College ‘s History and Public History program. The letter examined in this blog had been one of interest for various other Schuyler Mansion staff members, but was taken up for examination by the intern. Finding note of an enslaved woman seemingly sold in exchange for a carpet struck interest and thus the 1776 letter in the correspondence between Philip Schuyler and John Taylor presented the basis for this blog post.

Taken up North: Sold for a Carpet

Displays of Wealth and Severance of Social Connections: The Complicated Narratives of a 1775 Schuyler Letter

When Philip Schuyler was appointed as a Major General, he had a promising career ahead of him, especially with his skills as a strategist, honed in the French and Indian War.  But the major campaign he oversaw—the 1775 invasion of Canada—ended in disaster.  Schuyler himself was unable to be present for the actual campaign due to his ill health, but he was the main mastermind behind it and led the troops as best as he could from his military headquarters at his home in Albany. The campaign was partially successful because Brigadier General Benedict Arnold and fellow Brigadier Generals Richard Montgomery and James Livingston held Quebec under siege during the harsh winter months of 1775-1776. The Colonists began to lose ground in Quebec during this winter and the early months of 1776, but were able to hold Montreal until much later in the year when they retreated. During the complicated campaign and sieges, Major General Schuyler sent his close colleague John Taylor into Montreal on separate business, regarding Schuyler’s personal business. 

John Taylor’s connections to Major General Schuyler ran deep. Through an earlier example of correspondence between the two men, this letter shows how their businesses and interests were very much aligned. As a merchant, Taylor had the proper connections to be appointed to the prized position of Clothier General within the colonial militia. This position connected Taylor often to Major General Schuyler, but a later 1780s position would bring the two under the same government office when they were both appointed to the Commission of Indian Affairs. Taylor was an agent for the commission while Major General Schuyler served as the Commissioner. Major General Schuyler and John Taylor’s business interests connected at home in Albany as well, because Taylor was a local land agent and public officer. Throughout their lives these two men often were in contact for various business ventures and the 1776 letter is no exception. 

The letter is a rather compact note, only covering one sheet of paper—front and back. It is dated for March of 1776. The date is hard to decipher as the shape of the numbers is contrary to usual formations. As for the content, Taylor covers most of the page in discussion about the luxury items he was purchasing in Montreal. He also references his given orders from Major General Schuyler. Taylor’s orders are exemplified in the items that he mentions having purchased. Taylor writes in the first paragraph with notes about the various “lace, the cloth trimmings and epelets [sic]” he purchased during the trip. Later in the letter, Taylor mentioned green tea, stockings, and gloves. Beyond mention of expensive clothing and household goods there is reference to "two carpets the one cost 22 the other 16 Dollars.” These sums would be high for the period and well outside the budgeting of most. From these clues and the reference to Taylor requesting forgiveness for “exceeding orders,” it seems he was sent to Canada to purchase various luxury goods. The nature of the purchases also shows the monumental size of General Schuyler’s wealth even during the tumultuous Revolution years.  

Something important to note about Taylor’s mission is the trade embargos between England and the Colonies that existed at the time. These were established to protect English and colonial interests in the war. English embargos sought to block the movement of goods to the Colonies that could have helped their chances at a win. While colonial embargos sought to disconnect England from its deep resources of wealth gained through colonial ownership of trade. It’s important to note that Philip Schuyler was ignoring the embargos by sending a broker to purchase luxury goods in Canada, creating a conflict of interest. Sending a broker to carry out the transactions eliminated some of the culpability for Schuyler but did not ensure he would not see some sanctions if knowledge of this counter-Colonial trade run were to be exposed.  

So far, this letter appears to be a product of the usual whims of those with great wealth. However, there is a crucial other reason this letter is so important: there is reference to the sale of an enslaved woman in exchange for a fine carpet. The text reads:  

“I came across this one after I bought the other two, it being an extraordinary fine one together with a necessity I was under to take it in exchange for the wench, will I hope apologize for my exceeding my orders in buying three”  

Later in the letter, Taylor wrote that he “sold the wench for sixty-eight pounds.” This could allude to the perceived value of the enslaved woman or the carpet. Considering the language, it could also be interpreted as Taylor seeking a third carpet to return with, but he was unable to because he ran out of allotted funds. If this is the case, then rather than leave Montreal without the third carpet, he sought to liquidate other assets to make the purchase. The unnamed enslaved woman represented a liquid asset that would have been trouble to keep, according to Taylor, because her new enslavers began to “complain of her being dirty, imprudent, & lazy.” Taylor follows this statement with “I hope to leave this before she establishes those characters.” This admission from Taylor suggests that he was aware of the tenuous nature of the deal to sell the woman. Nonetheless, seeing the opportunity to please Major General Schuyler, he may have chosen to sell the unnamed woman to obtain another coveted fine carpet.  

Though we do not have the enslaved woman’s name, there is plenty that can be gleaned from what the letter doesn’t say, mainly regarding her life after being sold hundreds of miles from Albany. Without her name or any other biographical details, this cannot be an individual look at the experience of being sold far away from home, but her story provides us with a way to consider the different aspects of the sudden change until future research reveals the identity of the woman.    

One of the first things to think about is any choice or agency she may have possessed in her own sale. She joined the trip to Montreal likely without much, if any, choice. Her status as an enslaved person meant that her willingness to go was barely, if at all, considered. She would have been forced and expected to comply with the wishes of her enslaver, though this letter does not make clear whom this person was. Unfortunately, from the letter we do not have a concrete location as to where this woman came from before the trip. She may have been from Albany or Saratoga which would have seen her travel with Taylor the entire journey. If this was the case, it is possible she had been made aware of the impending trip to Montreal, but may not have been made aware of any of the specifics, such as the method of travel or purpose of the trip. It's also entirely possibly no explanation was given. In this case it would be possible to suggest that the woman was purchased along the way up to Montreal. As we do not hear the woman in Taylor’s letter’s voice, we cannot know the conversations presented to her before the trip.

Detail of a 1776 map showing part of the trip to Montreal.

Another important factor to consider is the role of community. Before the trip, when living in Albany, or some other local, this woman would have created and had a community around her. She could have had friendships, possibly romances, and even bonds between parent and child, whether that was her own parents or her own children. These connections were the foundation of social lives for enslaved people. Within Albany, the enslaved community was connected within and across households. During holidays like Pinkster, enslaved people had the opportunity to reconnect with people living both nearby and from a distance away. Some enslaved people had opportunities to connect through their labors. Through these meetings, they had strong friendships and familial bonds that made leaving the place they were living in—whether through force or choice—extremely painful.   

When John Taylor took the enslaved woman mentioned in the letter to Montreal, he was forcibly separating her from social community. She may have had a life partner, children, parents, or a friend she would likely never see again after she was sold. These people may have known where she went, but would likely have had no way to contact her. Information about her was possibly entirely withheld from her friends and family. Once she was separated from her community in Albany, she’d need to reestablish social connections in Montreal with those now around her.  

As she was being brought to Canada, there were also possible language barriers. Montreal, and Quebec by extension, was a multi-cultural city. French and Indigenous roots blended with new British influence all within the city's bounds, leading to many different languages being spoken by residences and those there to do business, as Taylor was. The enslaved woman may have had to contend with language barriers from her new owners and the people around her. She likely had some degree of proficiency in English, whether it was a second or first language for her, but probably didn’t know French, leaving her unable to communicate with a lot of people around her. It’s possible the entire transaction selling her away may have been in French. If that was the case, the transaction was potentially outside of her understanding until she was passed over to her new enslaver. As we do not know the language skills of both Taylor and the enslaved woman this can only be posited.  

Overall, this letter has importance in multiple contexts. It shows the lengths the wealthy would go to when obtaining luxuries during the Revolutionary War. Major General Philip Schuyler, and, by extension, his broker John Taylor, circumnavigated trade embargos and utilized the present military campaign to their personal advantage. They considered the trip during the campaign a necessary convenience beyond any other concern. Beyond this letter’s usefulness in understanding the concerns of men like Schuyler, it demonstrates how enslaved people were seen as expendable commodity to their enslavers. The woman mentioned in John Taylor’s letter leaves no biographical details beyond this letter, but researchers at Schuyler Mansion will continue the search for the enslaved woman traveling to Montreal. She is described simply as “wench”, and denied the opportunity to reclaim her story from the men who owned and sold her in exchange for fine carpets. 

Even with only one letter to tell her story, it’s important to examine the letter because it is important to consider the situations that illustrate the perspective of this woman and enslaved populations collectively. With this letter there is space to ponder the feelings of the woman that could fall between frustration, isolation, relief, etc. Her life is not known outside this singular letter, but by asking questions and consulting similar accounts of other enslaved people, perhaps she can be better understood, and her story finally told. 

Bibliography

 

Foster, Frances Smith. ’Til Death or Distance Do Us Part Love and Marriage in African America. Oxford ; Oxford University Press, 2010. 

Harris, Leslie M. (Leslie Maria), and Daina Ramey Berry, eds. Sexuality and Slavery Reclaiming Intimate Histories in the Americas. Athens,Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2018. 

Kerr, Don. "The Gamble for Canada: In 1775, American Rebels Wanted Independence... and Canada, Too." The Beaver, Dec, 2003, 8-12.  

Malone, Ann Patton. Sweet Chariot : Slave Family and Household Structure in Nineteenth-Century Louisiana. Place of publication not identified: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. 

Williams, Heather Andrea. Help Me to Find My People the African American Search for Family Lost in Slavery. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012. 

YOUNG, ALFRED F. The Democratic Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763-1797. University of North Carolina Press, 1967. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5149/9780807838204_young.