Sunday, August 11, 2024

The Story of Adelaide and Alice

A letter from Adelaide to her nephew, Schuyler Hamilton Jr.
by Jessie Serfilippi

This research was made possible by a new collection of Hamilton papers Schuyler Mansion acquired from the Norwalk Historical Society.

In January of 1899, Adelaide and Alice Hamilton’s names were all over the news. On January 17th, 1899, the New York Times published an article titled “Miss Hamilton is Insane: Wealthy Granddaughter of Alexander Hamilton Pronounced So by Jury.” The article followed a court case brought against Alice by her older sister, Adelaide, in which she sought to have her younger sister institutionalized. From these facts alone, it’s easy to assume there was no love between them and that Adelaide sought to institutionalize Alice out of desire for her sister’s money or out of malice, but when their entire lives are taken in account, a much more complex story emerges.

Adelaide (1830-1915) and Alice Hamilton (1838-1905) were two of twelve children born to Maria Eliza van den Heuvel (1795-1873) and John Church Hamilton (1792-1882), who was Elizabeth Schuyler (1757-1854) and Alexander Hamilton’s (1755-1804) son. They grew up in an incredibly wealthy household in New York City, with both of their parents coming from well-off and societally important families. They lived at 17 West 20th Street in Manhattan, where Adelaide stayed until her death.

While not much information exists about the girls’ childhoods, one letter offers a small window into their world. In a letter from their mother to Adelaide written in January of 1851, when Adelaide was twenty and Alice was twelve, their mother filled Adelaide in on her travels in Baltimore and Washington D.C., and sent suggestions and wishes to her other children still at home with Adelaide. She told Adelaide to give Alice her “best love” and hoped she would go to the opera.

In the crosswritten section, Adelaide sends their nephew Alice's best wishes.
A letter from their brother, Laurens Hamilton (1834-1858), to their other brother, Alexander Hamilton, written in 1855, gives more insight into their lives as well. Laurens wrote that Alice was “’coming out’” that winter, and that he was making his debut too. He described how for women, there is “Fussing all the time before the parties,” while a man “puts on clothes which has probably been worn frequently and walks into the ballroom.”

From these letters, it’s clear the Hamilton children were expected to partake in high society and went through the usual traditions, such as making their formal entrance into the social scene and attending operas and plays.

Adelaide and Alice, as well as one of their other sisters, Charlotte (1819-1896), remained unmarried and
lived in their family home together through adulthood. While Charlotte predeceased them both, later letters from Adelaide to her nephew, Schuyler Hamilton Jr. (1853-1907), reveal she often summered at Newport, Rhode Island, which was a common stomping ground for the wealthy members of New York society. Adelaide and Alice spent the summer of 1897 in Newport. One letter to her nephew dated June 17th of that year mentioned the house they were staying in, and on September 11, 1897, Adelaide wrote that “Aunt Alice is well and would beg to be remembered if she knew I was writing.”  

Adelaide describing the rooms she and Alice share at their summer home in Newport.

Sadly, within less than a year, everything changed for Alice and Adelaide. The New York Times article on Alice stated that she had been suffering from depression and delusions since at least April of 1898, when she was committed to Pleasantville Sanitorium. Adelaide brought the court case against Alice in 1899, seemingly to keep her there.

Adelaide, as well as medical experts, testified that Alice believed her relatives and herself to be dead, that she experienced religious delusions, and suffered from “melancholia.” She was found insane and had to stay at Pleasantville Sanitorium. The New York Times noted that Alice had a large estate—over $200,000 in property and a personal income of about $6,000 per year—but it did not mention what happened to her assets.

Alice was hospitalized at the “MacDonald House” in Mount Pleasant in Westchester County, New York, right outside of New York City. The doctor who ran the private hospital was Dr. Carl MacDonald, who lived there with his wife and daughter. In 1900, there was a staff of seventeen people, including eight nurses. That year, at the time the census was taken, there were seven patients, including Alice, at the hospital. Nothing is really known about the hospital or the doctor who ran it, but the small number of patients suggests it was for wealthy families, and its location in Westchester County was secluded from New York City in the relative countryside. Alice lived there until her death in 1905.

Adelaide died in 1915, at her family home, with multiple servants living at the estate with her. She was the last of her sisters to die.

As publicized as this story was within their lifetimes, the personal details—such as the true thoughts and emotions behind it—remain a mystery. As we have this new collection in our possession, there’s always a chance we’ll find something in it or in a new collection yet to come that sheds more light on their lives. Until then, this is the story of Adelaide and Alice as the records have told it.

Saturday, March 30, 2024

April Fool Me Once? Shame On You!

 The April Fools’ Day article is a fond tradition here at Schuyler Mansion, with topics ranging from non-factual but plausible tales of Philip Schuyler as a composer or Rensselaer Schuyler’s fancy mask store, to outrageous claims that Philip Schuyler fought armored dinosaurs in a wickerwork battle-mech. Each one was a bit of harmless fun had at the expense of historical solemnity… or so we thought. It turns out, however, that every one of these posts has been in direct violation of a longstanding Albany city ordinance specifically prohibiting the celebration of April Fools’ Day!

Yes, you read that right- April Fools’ Day is illegal in the city of Albany, and it has been since 1745. Specifically, “It shall be unlawful for any person residing within the city of Albany to willfully engage in any prank, jape, sporting deceit, or aggravated punning on or about the 1st day of April, commonly named April Fooles [sic].”

While it might sound strange that a law made before our nation even officially existed still holds authority in 2024, New York State’s 1777 constitution, “determined that the common law of England would be the law of New York State unless altered by the legislature.” [1] Careful review by the site’s legal counsel, Odrin DeCorte , has determined that, as this specific ordinance was never repealed by the NYS legislature or the City of Albany, it is still in effect. As a result, there will be no more April Fools’ Day posts from Schuyler Mansion.

“I will be sad to see the April Fools’ posts go,” said Ian Mumpton, Historic Site Assistant at the museum. “Our goal has been to bring some humor to our work while highlighting the importance of reading historical anecdotes with a critical eye. But until the city amends this ordinance, we will abide by the law. No more bacon-wrapped eels on the barbeque; no more wily groundhogs.”[2] 

But why did our forefathers decide to ban April Fools’ Day? After all, pranks were already a longstanding tradition in the Dutch New Netherlands colony of the 17th century. [3]  Alas, while the Dutch-descended colonists of the Albany area may not have been quite so dour as their New England neighbors, litigation over minor issues was an equally longstanding (if not even more ancient) tradition, with colonists seeking legal and judicial redress for everything from property lines to slander over vaguely familiar pork.[4]  Research by site staff indicates that the impetus for this prohibition came from a prank so disruptive and alarming that the leading citizenry saw no other recourse but to prohibit the holiday altogether.

Abraham Ten Broeck by Thomas McIlworth; 1763

Ironically, the persons responsible for this prank was none other than our very own Philip Schuyler, then age twelve, and his lifelong friend, Abraham Ten Broeck, then age eleven. 

It is difficult to say exactly what happened on April 1st, 1745. The first reference to the situation comes from the minutes of the Court of Albany two days after the event took place. For all its ambiguity it is a fascinating document, worthy to be quoted in full:

3 April, 1745, Albany

The council having been fully aprised [sic] of the aforementioned[5] reckless, deceptive, and dangerous Acts perpetrated by the defendants -- Ph. Schuyler and Abraham Ten Broeck, young men of this Place -- on the First of April or Fooles Day –

Firstly, the aforesaid young men to make Publick  [sic] apology and their families to financially renumerate the merchants so afflicted in accordance with all documentable damages.

Secondly their families also to make payment to divers [sic] other Residents of the city of Albany and its environs for the distress caused to the inhabitants, travelers, poultry, and especialy to Dr. Honeydau and Mr. Bieker—the amounts in question to be determined by this court upon review of sworn affidavits from the afflicted. Addendum- As Mr. Bieker is no longer able to speak, he shall give affidavit by making his mark to Dr. Honeydau’s affidavit.

Thirdly, that The Widow Schuyler and Dirk Ten Broeck, parents of the aforesaid yout[h]s do swear before the court to instill in these young men a greater sense of Decorum and Pious humility, that they might be turned back from the insipient and wasteful paths upon which they currently have laid their lives [sic] courses.

Fourthly, the city council, seeing the Full and Undesirable Impact of the Holyday [sic] such as folk call it, to pass an act forbidding all Puns, Japes, Deceits, or other Prankings on the First day of April, which practices cannot be tolerated in a place where Justice prevails. The wording to be determined and passed without delay.

Present:

David Goltz                       Richard Hunter                Franklin Ouss

James Hanson                  Jeremy Nielson                 Gerald Jewel


Madame de la Tour du Pin Gouvernet

While we may never know the details of what these two young men got up to that caused such an extreme reaction from their community, we do know that Schuyler and Ten Broeck never seem to have forgotten the adventure. In her memoirs, French aristocrat and friend of the Schuylers, Madame de la Tour du Pin[MI(4] , describes an interaction at the dining table with Philip Schuyler and Abraham Ten Broeck:

We dined that night with General Schuyler and his charming family, and well as his dear friend General Ten Broeck, with whom General Schuyler had been acquainted from the cradle, and in whose company the staid gentleman had passed the wild days of youth. We also had the pleasure of the company of Captain l’Ours-Poilu and Mademoiselle Cochon, both just arrived from France. At the table, the young lady, being of that age at which impertinence and curiosity join as allies, made enquiry about a certain misadventure she had heard referred to by a gentleman of the town, involving the two Generals in their youth. Where others might have taken displeasure at the question, General Schuyler laughed and called it an excess of youthful mischief, partaken in freely and just as freely left behind. General Ten Broeck, however, indicated that he was glad to have had the lesson of it at such a young age, to be less inclined to follow directives given solely on grounds of seniority.

 

With this in mind, we at Schuyler Mansion would like to offer mellow greetings on this first day of April. May your day be filled with beige sincerity, uninspired credibility, and a complete lack of the outrageous.



[1] Liebman, B. (2020). The Common Law Powers of the New York State Attorney General. Legislation and Public Policy, 23:95, 95-158. Retrieved from https://nyujlpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/JLPP-23.1-Liebman-Final.pdf

[2] Mumpton, I. (2024). April Fool Me Once? Shame On You!. NYS-OPRHP. Albany NY: Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site.

[5] Presumed to be a reference to a missing page covering the dates of April 1st and 2nd.


Thursday, February 15, 2024

Twenty Large Pitch Pine Logs: Enslaved People at the Schuyler Saratoga Property and Their Spaces of Socialization

This blog was written by Sarah Lindecke, a Fall 2023 intern at Schuyler Mansion State Historic Site from Siena College ‘s History and Public History program. The letter examined in this blog had been one of interest for various other Schuyler Mansion staff members but was taken up for examination by the intern. Connecting winter labor to the enslaved men mentioned in the letter brings a great opportunity to examine the lives and social spaces of the enslaved during the colder parts of the year.  

 

Twenty Large Pitch Pine Logs: Enslaved People at the Schuyler Saratoga Property and Their Spaces of Socialization 

 

As winter continues here in the Northeast, we can look back on how 18th century labor changed with the colder weatherThis is particularly interesting in the case of the people enslaved by the Schuyler family. The labor of these individuals was not self-directed, but dictated by their enslaver first and the weather second. Historians often forget to consider the impact of these isolating trips, or the weather encountered while laboring. Weather was a factor in the everyday life of the enslaved, determining much about the character of their labor. There are multiple letters in the Schuyler papers that provide evidence of this, but one of the strongest examples comes from a letter written by Philip Lansing to Philip Schuyler on December 27th, 1771. The late December letter covers the logging done during the winter months up at Saratoga. Logging was commonly done in the cold weather as it was impossible to farm during the long winter months. Instead of farming, winter labor would turn to focus on the process of felling logs out in the countryside, then using sleds to transport them to local mills for processing. Having a sufficient supply of wood was crucial during the cold winter months because wood was the main fuel for heating and cooking. Without access to ample supplies of wood, people risked freezing or suffering other ills of the cold.  

 

In the December 27th letter, Lansing described this winter labor: 

 

“The horse sleds have drawn thirty-four pieces of pitch pine timber since you Left this Lisbon, Dick, & Bob have cut them, they have Also cut twenty large pitch pine logs... I am this Day going with three Horse sleds to the Mill at Batskill [Battenkill] to Ride Logs there, Henry Mynerd And the rest of the tenants are to bring up the Hay this Day_the ice has broke the upper flid Gates of the Mill Race but has done no Damage to the Race Neither Grist Mill nor Saw Mill...”  

 

This letter conjures an image of a cold and remote place where men, free and enslaved, worked together at felling hearty pitch pine trees, then preparing them for transport. This excerpt lays out the process—from felling trees to sending them to the mill. First, the trees would be cut and pulled to the ground where they could be limbed and potentially cut or split into smaller sections as needed, then loaded onto the sleds. Perhaps ironically, winter’s cold and snowy conditions provided for a less complicated job—the snow allowed for easier transportation on sleds, while the hard frozen ground helped minimize erosion of the woodlots or other forest damage while logging.  

 

"A Black Wood Cutter at Shelburne, Nova Scotia,: by William Booth

Library and Archives Canada, Acc. No. 1970-188-1090 W.H. Coverdale Collection of Canadiana

 

From Lansing’s letter, it appears the enslaved men, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob, were the ones tasked with carrying out the first steps of the logging process. This was a cumbersome job, and Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have felt the cold even when properly outfitted for the freezing temperatures.  Schuyler receipts show he often hired cobblers to sometimes make, but far more often only repair, shoes for the people he enslaved. Cheaper army rates by comparison show that the work Schuyler paid for on numerous occasions was of a good quality cobbling. Yet, they were still wearing shoes that were only repaired when Schuyler called on a cobbler. He did so frequently because it was important to keep clothing and equipment in good shape due to the demanding and dangerous conditions of the work. 

 

Bob, Dick, and Lisbon would have been dressed for this work in wool coats and socks, knit caps, and possibly even full-length trousers (as opposed to the more common and fashionable knee-length breeches). Clothing examples from advertisements for the recapture of escaped servants often listed the clothing worn by the enslaved, many of which showed that wool garments were commonly worn. One such example from a September 1st, 1774, advertisement shows notes the clothing of a man named Bram at the time of his runaway as:  

“...a white woolen homespun jacket, a wool hat, a woolen shirt, buckskin bre eches, linen trousers, a pair of grey stockings, a good pair of shoes and plated buckles...”  

Wool was a ubiquitous clothing material prized for its warmth and durability. Furthermore, in the snow wool can have water repellant properties. While Schuyler, who himself would not have been required to work out in the cold, was not primarily concerned with the comfort of those he enslaved, he would have inevitably lost money on what he saw as an investment should he have failed to keep the people he enslaved properly outfitted while they completed their labor outside.  

 

After the logs were partially processed, they would have been taken on horse sleds to the mill for further refinement.  This letter indicates that there was enough snow for travel using horse sleds, which was the most effective means for transportation of the logs to the mill as the snow would allow the sleds to glide, taking some of the weight off the horses as they pulled them. Without the use of sleds, the weight of the logs would have been a difficult burden to haul. The letter makes no mention of who drove the sleds and horses at the logging site. However, other letters reveal that the three men mentioned were often in charge of work involving transportation, such as carting bottles of oil and retrieving horses as mentioned in a June 20th, 1790, that notes I would send the wine & Muscovado sugar by Captain Bogarts. This was a prized skill and responsibility for an enslaved person because any specialized skill provided the enslaved with opportunities to work on special jobs or, occasionally, made it possible for them to seek outside employment opportunities or income. Furthermore, special skills could translate to less direct supervision and scrutiny from the Schuylers or their overseers.  

 

Once transported to the mill, the timbers would be processed down into logs of varying sizes. The logs may have been split to make framing for the construction of homes to meet the constant need for more housing. At the time there was a growing population of newcomers to the region from across the Northeastern colonies as colonists across the Northeast sought to escape the crowded lands of the New England for the less populated Albany and Mohawk valley. The logs also could have become firewood that would be transported from the mill to the Schuyler residence or be sold off for profit.   

 

When examining the toll of labor, it’s important to remember that almost all enslaved labor would have been completed in harsh conditions. Farming and the hauling of goods was undertaken outside in varying and sometimes rather harsh climates. Under the hot sun there was risk of heat stroke or dehydration. Dick was cited in at least one medical record as being treated for chronic hernias, a condition consistent with hard labor and heavy lifting. Similar ailments plagued Dick and the other enslaved people under Schuyler’s purview. Medicines for joint problems or skin burns and rashes were much more common than anything treating cold weather conditions, though rare occurrences are evident. Schuyler’s medical registers show a lack of cold weather-related illnesses and ailments among the people he enslaved, which speaks to the attention he took to their health. The harsh winter weather alone made outdoor labor dangerous no matter the ease of access to medical treatment. 

 

Beyond the impact of cold weather on the body, it’s equally as important to consider how winter impacted socialization and social spaces. The enslaved men mentioned in Lansing’s letter, Lisbon, Dick, & Bob, may have left any friends and family they had for an indeterminate amount of time. Saratoga was not completely remote, but during the winter it would have been nearly impossible to justify travel back to Albany unless Schuyler required it. Furthermore, travel between Saratoga and Albany could have been halted by snow making it difficult to return to friends and family. With most, if not all, family and friends out of reach, Dick, Lisbon, and Bob likely had a limited sphere of socialization while at Saratoga. They had each other, but otherwise likely felt a disconnect from Lansing and his hired free laborers. Their status as enslaved men kept them intentionally separated from the social communities of free white men—the men who oversaw the operation. 

 

Between the strenuous labor of logging, hauling, and milling and the separation from their family and friends, Lisbon, Dick, and Bob would have felt the great toll of social isolation at the same time as physical strain. This social isolation was a weight on the men that may have been difficult to voice or combat. Their condition of enslavement ensured there was a limited social space for Lisbon, Dick, and Bob. Community and socialization were not at their whim. This reality circumscribed the social lives of the enslaved which was already limited by weather and the labors passed down in orders from enslavers. The lack of written sources from the perspective of enslaved people presents challenges in accurately documenting their stories, leaving it very difficult to make concrete conclusions about the social lives of the enslaved. However, as Lansing’s 1771 letter illustrates there is a lot to be taken from vague references or mentions of enslaved people. Lisbon, Dick, and Bob make frequent appearances in other Schuyler papers and though these mentions don’t provide concrete details about these men they still offer opportunities to examine context. Reading about the labor the enslaved would do or the people they met helps add to an overall understanding of their lives. The enslaved do not reside outside of documentation and can be sought through the combining of multiple sources and the consideration of wider possibilities.  

 

The environment surrounding Lisbon, Dick, and Bob may have included family or friends with them at Saratoga also engaged in their own set of winter labors. The men staying at Saratoga would have wanted to have someone available to cook meals, mend clothing, or keep the fire. These jobs were often the work of women so it is possible Lisbon, Dick, or Bob could have been in community with a woman from Albany they’d been familiar with. Furthermore, it is possible that the routine of traveling to Saratoga for logging brought the possibility of seeing familiar groups of men each winter for the logging. Few people are mentioned in Lansing’s letter, so it is entirely possible there were many others at the logging camp who were familiar acquaintances. These friends may have been companions in joking or storytelling between labors. In either of these cases, the trip to Saratoga appears lighter, still burdened with the weight of enslavement, but with space for some levity between social connections.  

 

Philip Lansing’s December 27, 1771, letter is an opportunity to portray the experiences of enslaved and free laborers during the cold winter months in New York. At the forefront of this letter is the content covering the winter work of logging and milling that would have been ever present during the winter for the able-bodied. This letter also provides space for discussion about the enslaved men Lisbon, Dick, and Bob, who were brought to Saratoga as enslaved laborers at the logging camp. Their isolation from family and friends or the created community at Saratoga is important to remember because it speaks to the spaces of socialization the enslaved contended with. Weather, labor, and orders from enslavers set boundaries on the socialization available to them. Beyond the content of Lansing’s 1771 letter there are many other Schuyler Papers in the NYPL Collection and Schuyler Mansion collections that provide space for research about the lives of the enslaved. 

 

Bibliography 

 

Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia."sawmill." Encyclopedia Britannica, January 10, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/technology/sawmill. 


Defebaugh, James Elliot. History of the Lumber Industry in America, Vol. 1 (Chicago: The American Lumberman, 1906), 308-309. 


Thompson JR, Carpenter DN, Cogbill CV, Foster DR (2013) Four Centuries of Change in

Northeastern United States Forests. PLoS


ONE 8(9): e72540. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0072540 

https://fotm.link/b2973800-b4b3-4edd-b9fa-6f98a17e612c