Peruvian Bark and Turlington's Balsam: Uncovering the Medical History of the Enslaved at Schuyler Mansion

17th century Colonial personification
of Peru offering Cinchona to Science.
Cinchona became a staple medicinal
resource for European colonial
empires for a nearly 300 years.

By Ian Mumpton

On a bitterly cold February day in 1776, a man named Prince sat in a freezing cell in Albany, preparing a letter to Catharine Schuyler as frostbite gnawed at his feet. In this letter, Prince described his situation, reporting that he had “quite lost the use of my limbs with cold” after a forced march from Canada over the preceding winter. Prince was eventually purchased by the Schuyler family, but staff at Schuyler Mansion have often wondered about the long-term impact of that winter imprisonment on Prince’s health. Was he fortunate enough to make a full recovery? Or, more likely, did the harm he endured affect his health and mobility for the rest of his life?

While Prince’s letter is a vivid, personal statement about his situation in February of 1776, evidence about his later condition can be found in a far more mundane source: a medical bill from Dr. Samuel Stringer for treatments rendered to members of the Schuyler family and household between January and December of 1787.[1] During that year, Prince was among the ten enslaved servants mentioned, and was treated at least five times between January and June.  Most of the medicines described included some variety of either “Peruvian Bark” (Cinchona) , “Balsam of Peru” (Myroxylon pereirae), or both. Both were often prescribed for fevers or as an antidote to ingested poisons, but were noted as effective treatments for joint pain and rashes.[2] Furthermore, after prescribing these medicines on February 12^th, Dr. Stringer charged £4 on April 29^th for “dressing Princes [sic] leg from the 12^th Feb to this day inclusive.” While we may never know if this was an isolated flair of leg pain, or a documented glimpse of a more chronic disability, receipts like this allow us shed important light on the medical history of other people enslaved by the Schuylers as well, by examining their recorded symptoms and the treatments they received. For example, a man named Dick is mentioned three times in the same receipt, each time having received the exact same treatment—a bottle of Turlington’s Balsam at a cost of 8 shillings.

Peru Balsam 

Robert Turlington patented his “Balsam of Life” in 1744.[3] Despite having no documentable medical experience, he insisted that his medicine treated a wide range of conditions, including kidney issues and “inward weaknesses” or ruptures (what we would today call hernias). While Turlington’s Balsam was supposedly a near-miraculous cure-all, Dr. Stringer almost certainly prescribed it to Dick for chronic hernias (likely the result of decades of constant heavy-lifting as a cartman for the Schuylers). Dick had dealt with hernias for at least four years at that point, as evidenced by a 1783 letter from Philip Schuyler to Stephan Van Rensselaer in which Schuyler wrote “Be so good as to advise me if Dick is likely soon to be better of the rupture which troubles him.”[4] While a popular treatment, there is little evidence of the efficacy of Turlington’s Balsam, and there are currently no identified references to Dick after November 19^th of 1787.

Several other enslaved men besides Prince and Dick are mentioned in Dr. Stringer’s receipt: Peter, Jacob, Cato, and Jim. Like Dick, these men are all documented as driving carts and hauling supplies for the Schuyler family. They would have worked long hours with heavy loads in all sorts of weather, and this labor is reflected in the medical treatments they received. Jacob, Peter, and Cato were all prescribed something that Dr. Stringer recorded as “Linam: Sapon”, most likely liniment sapo[5], a compound of soap and camphor considered useful in treating joint pain and spasms, as well as blisters and sunburns. Jim was likewise treated with a zinc and castor compound, used to this day to treat rashes, skin abrasions, and burned or heavily chapped skin.

It is important to note how infrequently these men were treated for the myriad fevers, agues, and other illnesses that the Schuyler family received care for. While they certainly would have contracted those with the same frequency as any other individual of their time period, Philip Schuyler was far more likely to lay out money to treat the leg and joint injuries, saddle-rashes, and hernias caused by their labor— the injuries which stood to reduce the amount of profitable labor he could extract from them.

Turlington's Balsam of Life bottles as
represented in a brochure dated 1755–1757.

The receipt also mentions two women enslaved by the Schuylers: Moll and Britt. While we have not yet been able to determine what Moll’s treatment was (or what condition it was intended to treat), Britt was prescribed the same liniment sapo as the cartmen, as well as camphor gum (similarly used to treat spasms and joint pain).[6] As women’s work in the period tended toward repetitive movements and joint strain with tasks like cooking, hauling water and firewood, sewing and textile production, and childcare, this may reflect treatment for repetitive motion injuries. However, it is also possible that Britt’s treatment was due to complications during pregnancy. In addition to the camphor soap and gum, on April 17^th, 1787, Britt was prescribed ginger, which folk tradition has long held can help induce labor. Shortly after, on June 16^th, Dr. Stringer charged the Schuyler family 2 shillings for providing magnesia alba (a stomach soothing antacid popular for infants)[7] to “Britts child”! He would provide the same again on September 18^th of the same year.[8]

While Britt may have received her medical attention from Dr. Stringer, the Schuyler family’s personal physician, other women enslaved by the Schuylers would have tended to their own obstetric care or relied on the care of other women. These may have been trained midwives, or simply other women with only their own or relatives’ experience to guide them.  In 1768, the Schuylers credited a “Miss Van Den Werken” one pound, three shillings at their store for “…taking care of Hannah the Wench when in labour”.[9]

Dr. Stringer was not the only doctor to provide medical treatment for the enslaved servants of the Schuyler family. Between August of 1757 and August of 1764, Dr. Henry Van Dyke was called upon to provide medical care for two unnamed servants, a man and woman, bound to the Schuylers.[10] The woman was treated with unspecified medicines between the 26^th of August and the 12^th of September, while the following February the unnamed man required “dressing and salve” for his leg. In August of 1764, Dr. Van Dyke treated an enslaved man named Mink by “bleeding & a dose of Physic”, likely for a fever or inflammation.

While none of their receipt descriptions paints a full picture by itself, the details revealed add dimension and depth to our understanding of the lives of the men, women, and children enslaved by the Schuylers. Placed in the context of what else we are learning about the enslaved, the terse lines of numbers and medical abbreviations allows us to envision Jim and Peter rubbing camphor soaps onto aching joints after a long day of transporting hay and apples for Philip Schuyler, talking about Jim’s plan to buy his freedom and move his family to Easton, while Britt soothes her little one’s upset stomach with a dose of magnesia alba.

Follow our continuing efforts to uncover the lives of the nearly seventy individuals enslaved at Schuyler Mansion here on this blog, and through our social media on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram!

 

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[1] Receipt for Medical Services from Dr. Samuel Stringer to Philip Schuyler, Schuyler Papers, NYPL, Reel 2, Box 3.

[2] Glossary of Drugs Prescribed or Dispensed in Colonial New England  https://www.colonialsociety.org/node/1218

[3] Jones, Olive and Vegotsky, Allen (2016) "Turlington’s Balsam of Life," Northeast Historical Archaeology: Vol. 45 45, Article 1. https://orb.binghamton.edu/neha/vol45/iss1/1

[4] Philip Schuyler to Stephan VR, July 10, 1783. Slavery and Enslaved People at Schuyler Mansion

[5] Glossary of Drugs Prescribed or Dispensed in Colonial New England  https://www.colonialsociety.org/node/1218

[6] Glossary of Drugs Prescribed or Dispensed in Colonial New England  https://www.colonialsociety.org/node/1218

[7] Glossary of Drugs Prescribed or Dispensed in Colonial New England  https://www.colonialsociety.org/node/1218

[8] Receipt for Medical Services from Dr. Samuel Stringer to Philip Schuyler, Schuyler Papers, NYPL, Reel 2, Box 3.

[9] Philip Schuyler Saratoga Daybook 1764-1770, NYHS.

[10] Receipt for Medical Services from Dr. Henry Van Dyke to Philip Schuyler 1755-1764, Sleepy Hollow Restoration, S-966.

Resources for Albany's 18th and Early 19th Century Black History

A detail from "East Side of Market Street

 from Maiden Lane South" by James Eights, 

held by Albany Institute of History and Art.

The woman is thought to be Dinnah Jackson.

While we are committed to interpreting Black history as an essential part of our nation’s past, present, and future every month of the year, Black History Month is a time to acknowledge and celebrate the stories of people of African descent in our history. As an 18^th century historic site and former home of one of the largest slave-holding families in the region, Black History at Schuyler Mansion is often inextricably intertwined with the history of slavery and enslavement. Between 1765 and 1804, Schuyler Mansion was home to over sixty Black people of all ages and genders, held in bondage by the Schuylers. But as historians and activists have noted, Black US History, while fundamentally shaped by the system of chattel slavery, is not synonymous with bondage. While the scope and mission of our site emphasizes the under-told stories of the people who were enslaved here, we also invite our followers to explore the stories of these free Black residents of 18^th century Albany who helped shape our community. Over the next few weeks, we’ll also be sharing some of our old content and posting new content, so please check back for more!

Resources

South End Stories: Who was Benjamin Lattimore? 

People of Colonial Albany

Celebrating NYS Abolition of Slavery - July 5, 1827, in Albany

Eight short stories recalling the lives of African Americans buried in the Albany Rural Cemetery 

Against All Odds - Building Albany's Free Black Community in the Early 1800s

Living Black and Free in 18th and 19th Century Albany, New York

The Struggle for Education of Black Children in 19th Century Albany

From Albany to Freedom: An Underground Railroad Story

Stephen and Harriet Myers Residence: Key People

Holidays in Colonial New York

By Ian Mumpton

There are well over a dozen holidays celebrated between December and January worldwide, but if we were to time-travel to colonial Albany, what festivities might we partake in? Well, that depends on who you were celebrating with!

In the 17th and 18th centuries, this region was home to a multitude of national, cultural, and spiritual holiday traditions. In December, people of the Six Nations of the Haudenosaunee celebrated the End of Seasons and prepared for the Midwinter Rites in January- a time for renewing the relationships and responsibilities with their communities and with the earth as the year began anew. Likewise in January, Mahicans observed the New Year with the Bear Sacrifice ceremony and hopes for a bountiful sap season to come.

European Christian colonists, both Protestant and Catholic, observed a panoply of secular and religious traditions from the Netherlands, England, Scotland, France, Ireland, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Wales, Spain, Portugal, Switzerland, Austria, Croatia, and beyond, as well as new traditions born in the colonies. This included not only Christmas Day, but the Feast of St. Nicholas for the Dutch, Epiphany (also called Twelfth Night), and a variety of New Years’ celebrations.

While largely prohibited from public observance, Jewish colonists (mostly Sephardim and Ashkenazim) were part of the community since the late 1650s would have observed Chanukah within their own homes by lighting oil menorahs, making sufgonyot (oil cake donuts) and singing songs such as Al Hanissim (“On the Miracles”) and Ma'oz Tzur (“Refuge, Rock of my Salvation”, commonly known today as “Rock of Ages”). 

Enslaved and free Africans brought with them traditions from Ghana, Dahomey, the Kingdom of Kongo, and beyond. Some were from Christian communities in Africa, while some others converted in the colonies, and would have marked Christmas as a religious holiday. Others were Muslim and may have commemorated Islamic holidays in December or January when the Islamic and European calendars aligned.

With so many overlapping traditions interacting in a relatively small community, many groups were influenced by the celebrations of others, especially when it came to secular aspects of their revelry! What about the Schuylers? While there are surprisingly few references to the holidays in their documents, we can get a general idea from by looking at how others in the community celebrated, and at letters between family members. 

The Schuyler family was of Dutch descent. They were part of a large kin group of powerful Dutch families, the parents spoke Dutch at home growing up (as did at least their older children), and they attended the Dutch Reformed Church in Albany. In this Protestant Dutch tradition, Christmas itself was observed as a quiet, often somber, holy day preceding the more raucous festivities of New Years and Epiphany. Even as the Schuylers adopted more and more English cultural expressions in the 1760s forward, Christmas day may have taken on a more festive air, but English tradition still emphasized the weeks after the 25th of December as the best time for revelry.

While others on the community may have partied it up on New Years, however, family correspondence suggests that the Schuylers saved their big celebration until still later in the holiday season. Philip Schuyler wrote to Alexander Hamilton on January 2nd, 1802, to inform him that “My Coachman Toby is very Much Indisposed. My other Servants abroad on their holyday frolick [sic], that I can only send Anthony to morrow [sic] morning[.]” From this letter, it appears that the Schuylers participated in the custom of giving the people they enslaved time at New Years to gather and celebrate with friends and family. With only two servants remaining in the household, one of them ill, it is highly unlikely that the status-conscious Schuyler family intended any sort of major celebration on New Years or the days immediately after, at least by this time.

If the Schuylers did throw a big party, it was most likely for Epiphany (also known as Twelfth Night). Both Dutch and English traditions held this as time for music, food, and togetherness, as well as lively (often chaotic) celebration.  It was also a time for the wealthy to show their largesse to friend and stranger alike. What would Twelfth Night look like in the Schuylers’ home? Well, come visit us on Saturday, January 7th, between 4PM-7PM and see for yourself!

“Letter by Jim"

   By Kiera Fitzsimmons   

  In 1800, there were two men with the same last name living in Easton, NY: Rensselaer Schuyler, Philip Schuyler’s youngest son, and Jim Schuyler, the head of a free Black household. Easton is located in Washington County, northeast of Albany across the Hudson River. Rensselaer lived in Easton for at least a decade in the early 19^th century, as he was listed on the census there in both 1800 and 1810.[1] [2] He owned a large parcel of land in Washington County that had once belonged to his father and rented it out to tenant farmers, just as the elder Schuyler had done.[3]

Jim Schuyler was recorded on the 1800 census as the head of a household of five free Black people.[4] According to his sons, Jim was born in Africa,[5] and lived with his family in Easton for over thirty years.[6] On each consecutive census, the size of the household grew, as Jim had thirteen children with his wife Diana, including two daughters named Elizabeth and Margaret, names that match two of Philip Schuyler’s own daughters.[7]

The 19th century Albany County censuses are filled with the surnames of wealthy families who had been in New York for generations: Yates, Morton, Schermerhorn, Schuyler, and many others.[8] [9] While many of these names had Dutch origins, some of the families with those prominent last names were of African descent. In some cases, this was because a member of those families had been enslaved by the people whose last names they adopted, as taking the last name of a former enslaver was a common practice.[10] With this in mind, it seems that Rensselaer and Jim Schuyler were connected by more than just a last name.

There are three mentions of an enslaved man named Jim in the surviving documents Philip Schuyler left behind. It’s probable that the Jim mentioned in these documents is the same Jim Schuyler from the 1800 census in Easton. The first known mention of Jim is on a receipt for shoes and shoe repairs from December 16, 1771— Schuyler listed one pair purchased for an enslaved person named Jim.[11] The next time we find Jim mentioned is on a yearly account of services rendered by Philip Schuyler’s doctor. In November of 1787, Dr. Samuel Stringer provided Schuyler with “Zin Castor” for Jim.[12] Lastly, in a letter to his son in 1792, Schuyler wrote, “I thank you for your letter by Jim.”[13] This indicates that Jim was still in the Schuylers’ service in 1792, as he delivered letters between Philip and his family.

On February 3, 1779, Philip Schuyler received a letter from J. Lansing which informed him that Diana, an enslaved woman who had fled from the Schuylers in the early winter of 1779, had been recaptured.[14] This is the only time a woman named Diana is known to be mentioned in the Schuyler Papers, but it is likely she was re-enslaved by the Schuylers after her attempt to escape. As Jim later married a woman named Diana, it is possible that Diana and Jim were married while they were both enslaved by the Schuyler family. Philip Schuyler may have even been in favor of this union, as family ties would have made Diana less likely to attempt escape again in the future.

In the same collection of documents that mention Jim and Diana, there are lists from 1790 and 1798, which recorded the number of people enslaved by the Schuylers. On the 1790 federal census, Philip Schuyler recorded thirteen enslaved people in his household.[15] By that year, Jim and Diana already had two children, making them a family of four.[16] [17] In 1798, Philip recorded only nine enslaved people, exactly four less than in 1790.[18] It’s possible that sometime between 1792, when Jim was last mentioned by Schuyler, and 1800, when Jim appears on the Easton census, Jim and his family either purchased their freedom or were manumitted for an unknown reason.[19]

1880 census where Jim's son Thomas
states that his father was born in Africa.

Philip Schuyler likely did not manumit Jim and Diana’s family as he was opposed to the manumission of enslaved people. As a senator, Philip declined to participate in the vote on manumission, he bought and sold people through the end of his life, and did not even mention the people he enslaved in his will, leaving their fates in the hands of his children. Philip’s treatment of the people he enslaved is documented by letters he left behind. In the autumn of 1781, Philip Schuyler purchased two enslaved women who had a close relationship and did not want to be separated.[20] In 1782, Philip wrote to his daughter Angelica, “Your mama will strive with all in her power to procure you a good wench[.] They are rare to be met with, the two which I bought Last fall […] prove worthless in the extreams [sic].”[21] This letter highlights Philip’s way of thinking in regard to the people he enslaved. Based on the treatment evident in these examples, it is more likely that Jim and Diana found a way to purchase their family’s freedom.

Enslaved people at Schuyler Mansion, such as Caty Betty, were sometimes able to work for wages during their enslavement. In a document from January 5, 1786, Caty Betty signed to confirm that she received payment for her labor with John Bradstreet Schuyler, Rensselaer Schuyler’s older brother, as a witness. It is possible that Jim and Diana did this as well and earned enough money to purchase their family’s freedom from the Schuylers.

Without further records and documents to corroborate Jim’s decades long journey from Africa to home ownership in Easton, NY, it is impossible to say with certainty that this Jim was enslaved by Philip Schuyler. However, with the current available documents, Jim’s possible story can be pieced together. In his early childhood, Jim was abducted from his home country in Africa. He was likely taken to the Caribbean, where it was common practice for people who had just been abducted to be “broken in” to slavery by working in grueling conditions on sugar plantations. Even if they did not work on the plantations, many enslaved people were sold from these ports, and Philip may have purchased Jim in Jamaica or Antigua, as Philip traded there. He was likely enslaved by the Schuylers for several decades from the 1770s to the 1790s. He may have been a cart driver, as the letter Philip mentioned him in stated that Jim had delivered messages between Philip and his son. Jim may have even met his wife, Diana, during this time.

1810 census where Jim begins
using the name James.

Jim and Diana had their first child in 1783 or 1784, and another in 1790.[22] These two children would have been born into slavery because their mother was enslaved, making it even more difficult to gain their freedom. Jim and Diana may have worked for wages, as other enslaved people had done at Schuyler Mansion, and saved enough money to purchase their family’s freedom from Philip Schuyler. Once able to make their own choices, Jim and Diana settled in Easton, NY and established themselves independently by 1800.[23] On the 1810 census, Jim began going by the name James instead of Jim, which he used on the 1800 census. This could have been to distance himself from his life as an enslaved man and to reclaim a preferred name that carried a higher social status.

Through their perseverance, James and Diana created new opportunities for the future generations of their family. Many of their children owned homes and raised families of their own, most remaining in Washington County. While many of James’ and Diana’s children could not read or write, even as adults, most of their grandchildren were able to attend school as children unlike their parents or grandparents.[24] With each generation came new opportunities and challenges, all made possible for their descendants because of the bravery and sacrifices made by James and Diana. Thanks to James and Diana, the Schuyler family of Easton, NY has lasted for generations, with descendants still living today.

The story of James and his family above is only one of many possibilities. As we discover new documents and records to fill in the gaps, their stories may change. This research is ongoing, and Schuyler Mansion will continue to update the blog as more information becomes available. Stay on the lookout for future posts exploring the lives of James Schuyler and his family. 

 

By Kiera Fitzsimmons

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[1] United States Census, 1810; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9YYR-788?i=4&wc=QZZZ-M18%3A1588180303%2C1588179923%2C1588181030&cc=1803765. 

[2] United States Census, 1800; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33SQ-GR8J-754?cc=1804228&wc=3V1X-HDG%3A1585148702%2C1585148326%2C1585148704.

[3] United States, New York Land Records, 1630-1975; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QSQ-G9WC-NSZ3?wc=M7H5-L6D%3A358134001%2C358331801&cc=2078654.

[4] 1800 United States Federal Census [database on-line].

[5] United States Census, 1900; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:S3HY-DKTS-Y3J?wc=9B72-44P%3A1030551901%2C1030552202%2C1037223301&cc=1325221.

[6] United States Census, 1830; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9YY8-9TCC?wc=35Y4-2JP%3A1588472203%2C1588470103%2C1588475102&cc=1803958.

[7] New York, U.S., Wills and Probate Records, 1659-1999

[8] United States Census, 1840; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9YBW-9ZSX?cc=1786457&wc=31S2-VDN%3A1588666984%2C1588667605%2C1588668909.

[9] United States Census, 1820; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33SQ-GYB9-SLGG?i=65&wc=3L7F-DPX%3A1586986403%2C1586987055%2C1586988701&cc=1803955.

[10] Meaghan E. H. Siekman, “Slave Surnames,” Vita Brevis, May 26, 2021, https://vitabrevis.americanancestors.org/2021/05/slave-surnames/.  

[11] Slavery and Enslaved People at Schuyler Mansion, An Account of the Shoes, dated December 16, 1771.

[12] Schuyler Papers, New York Public Library, Reel 2 Box 3.

[13] Slavery and Enslaved People at Schuyler Mansion, Letter from Philip to Johnny, dated December 19, 1792.

[14] Ian Mumpton, “Ran Away on the 28th Ultimo: Freedom Seekers and Self Manumission at Schuyler Mansion,” http://schuylermansion.blogspot.com/2018/05/ran-away-on-28th-ultimo-freedom-seekers.html. 

[15] United States Census, 1790; https://www.familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9YB6-9JM2?cc=1803959&wc=22HB-BHR%3A1584070828%2C1584070840%2C1584070839.

[16] 1850 United States Federal Census [database on-line].

[17]  1850 United States Federal Census [database on-line].

[18] Slavery and Enslaved People at Schuyler Mansion, Box 18 Reel 8 – Philip Schuyler Papers N.Y.P.L., Copy of a Slave list dated November 25^th, 1798, in grouping entitled “Land Papers Local- Albany.”

[19] It is also possible that Jim and his family were transferred from Philip Schuyler to Rensselaer Schuyler when he married Elizabeth Ten Broeck in 1793. We may explore this possibility further in a future post.

[20] Letter from Philip J. Schuyler to Angelica Church, September 20, 1783. Church Papers Yale Library.

[21] Ian Mumpton, “Searching for the Enslaved Women of Schuyler Mansion,” http://schuylermansion.blogspot.com/2017/03/searching-for-enslaved-women-of.html.

[22] 1850 United States Federal Census [database on-line].

[23] 1800 United States Federal Census [database on-line].

[24] 1850 United States Federal Census [database on-line].

"Remember Thee"

By Jessie Serfilippi and Kiera Fitzsimmons

Historians spend a lot of time researching, reading, and looking for anything of historical significance, but sometimes, history finds you. Grouped together with documents and letters regarding Louisa Lee and Georgina Schuyler, was a common place book, a handmade collection of literature and quotes that were important to the creator of the book, that belonged to their mother, Eliza Hamilton Schuyler (1811-1863), the granddaughter of Alexander (~1755-1804) and Elizabeth Schuyler Hamilton (1757-1854).   The first few pages of the commonplace book contain a set of four poems. The poems were addressed “To Eliza H.,” and signed with a set of initials, J.L.O., and a first name, Jane.   

Initially, it was unclear who Jane was, but since Eliza was only twelve at the time she received these poems, it’s likely Jane was a schoolmate. At this time, there were multiple schools in Manhattan that catered to wealthy families such as the Hamiltons. A helpful source from the Merchant’s House Museum about elite schools luckily mentions Eliza by name. She attended a school that was run by a wealthy woman named Mary O’Kill (1785-1859), who opened her school at 43 Barclay Street in 1823, and who had a daughter named Jane.  

Birth records show that Jane was born Jane Leigh O’Kill in 1810 to Mary Jay and John O’Kill. This means that when the poems were given to Eliza, Jane was around thirteen or fourteen years old, only about a year older than Eliza. Jane likely attended her mother’s school alongside Eliza and other girls from wealthy families. With the name “Jane” and the initials “J.L.O.,” Jane was certainly the person who gave these poems to Eliza. 

The first poem in the packet, dated July 23, 1824, is titled “To Eliza H,” and is included below.  

Remember thee! Yes, in my heart thou ‘rt enshrin’d, 
Enthron’d in its inmost recefs I have set thee, 
Thy virtues, thy genius, thy pure lofty mind, 
Must live in my thoughts, I can never forget thee. 

                                         2nd 

Still, still, the bright glance of thy soul beaming eye, 
Will illumine the thoughts which thy genius enlighten’d 
To those deep tender tones, I still seem to reply, 
Still dwell on that smile which my sadnefs has brighten’d. 

                                         3rd 

Remember thee? Yes, while remembrance remains, 
While life warms my heart, I can never forget thee; 
While this bosom one trace of affection retains, 
I still must remember and will never forget thee 

This poem appeared in Volume 1 of the Ladies Literary Cabinet in 1819, which can be found here. The recipient of the poem is not revealed in the magazine, but the author is listed as “Harriet.” Jane likely thought of Eliza when she read this poem, so she copied it down to give to her. It’s possible that the girls were facing a time of separation, perhaps a break from school, and Jane copied it for Eliza, even making a few changes of her own. The poem may have served as a comfort for Eliza to remind her of their affection for one another, even while they were apart.  

The poem contains strong themes of love and remembrance. Words like “enshrin’d” and “enthron’d,” and repeated lines about remembrance exude a sense of mourning and reflect common mourning language of the early 19th century. While typically associated with death, this could be seen as mourning a temporary separation, which will be seen again in “Forget me Not.” 

More so than mourning, this is a poem about love. Throughout the poem, the writer uses language clearly associated with love or deep affection. Jane even went so far as to change the final line of the poem to more specifically express her own feelings. The original line reads “I still must remember, and still must regret thee,” while Jane wrote “I still must remember and will never forget thee.” This conveys far different emotions than the original version. 

This imagery continues in the final poem in the packet, “Forget me Not.” This poem appeared in Volume 1 of Saturday Night in 1824, which can be found here. In the publication, the poem was addressed to “W. B.” and signed “Charlotte.”

There is a flower that oft unheeded grows  Amid the splendour of the summer’s ray,  And though this simple flower no sweets disclose,  Yet it will tell thee all I wish to say.  And when we’re parted by the foaming sea,  And thou art carelefs what may be my lot;  I’ll send this flower a mefsenger to thee,  And it shall gently whisper thus--                                                                                      Forget me not  The first poem seems to tell Eliza that Jane will not forget her, but with this poem, she asks Eliza to remember her as well. Just as it does today, in the 19th century the forget-me-not flower had connotations of love and mourning. The flower seems to represent a mourning of the severance of their bond in anticipation of their separation. It is possible Jane included a pressed flower with this poem, as was common at the time, because she specifically referenced “this flower,” as opposed to the original line in the poem in Saturday Night which says “that flower.” 

This poem is short, but the author was still able to convey a sense of deep longing through only a few lines. It begins by describing the flower in the first half of the poem as unremarkable, but with great meaning. In the second half, the poet expresses worry that the recipient will lose affection for her while they are separated. It is possible that Jane was having these same fears about Eliza and gave her the packet of poems to ensure her feelings would not be forgotten. 

Based on papers and correspondences from later in Eliza’s life, her friendship with Jane did not seem to last into adulthood. There are many letters, mostly dating from the 1830s-1860s, between Eliza and her childhood friends that survive, but there are none, save for the four poems, from Jane. Jane and her family are never mentioned in any letters in Schuyler Mansion’s collection, not even by Eliza’s siblings or friends, who often gave her the latest on their friends and acquaintances when she was out-of-town. Eliza eventually married her first cousin once-removed, George Lee Schuyler (1811-1890), in 1835. The couple had three children together, Philip, Louisa Lee, and Georgina. Eliza died in 1863, when she was only fifty-two years old.      

Jane herself was married on August 11, 1836, to John Swift, at Trinity Church in Manhattan. Trinity Church was attended by many of Manhattan’s famous politicians and the wealthiest members of society. Her marriage in the church marks her place among the elite. She was widowed in 1850 at the age of forty and took over the school upon her mother’s death in 1859. As of 1861, she was still noted as teaching at the school.      

Today, many people take for granted how easy it is to keep in contact with friends due to the prevalence of social media. For Jane and Eliza, exchanging letters, living in close proximity to one another, and moving in the same social circles were the main way of keeping in-touch. While Jane and Eliza seemed to lose touch as adults, at one point during their childhood, they had a very close relationship. Even though the girls did not keep in contact as adults, Eliza placed the four poems Jane gave her in her commonplace book and kept them until her death.  

(Below are the other two poems Jane gave to Eliza for you to enjoy!)  

                A Night on the Alps 

                      __________  

Come golden Evening! __ In the west 
Enthrone the storm dispelling sun, 
And let the triple rainbow rest 
O’er all the mountain tops; __ ‘tis done; 
The tempest ceases; bold and bright 
The rainbow shoots from hill to hill; 
Down sinks the sun; on prefses night; 
__ Mont Blanc is lovely still! 

                     ____________  

   There take thy stand, my spirit; __ spread 
The world of shadows at thy feet; 
And mark how calmly over head, 
The stars, like saints in glory meet; 
__ While, hid in solitude sublime, 
Methinks I muse on Nature’s tomb, 
And hear the pafsing foot of Time 
Step thro’ the silent gloom! 

 

             For a Turquoise Ring. 

Pure blue the Persian Turquoise shows, 
Thus in its native land it throws 
A light no other gem has given, 
A light so near resembling heaven, 
An anchorite would turn to blefs 
Its beauty in the wildernefs! 

Born for one land, no other soil 
Gives such reward to human toil; 
Golconda’s splendors blaze in vain, 
Nor dare the furnace heat sustain; 
The topaz dims its mellow light, 
The hand of art must make it bright. 

by Jessie Serfilippi and Kiera Fitzsimmons