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Sunday, October 4, 2026

Continental Soldiers’ Baggage During the Revolutionary War

 By Sarah Lindecke

During the Revolutionary War, Continental soldiers carried with them items needed for daily life. These items could be anything from materials for cooking to personal mementos from home. Just as we travel today with items that make our lives easier, people in the 18th century wanted to do the same. In this blog we’ll look at different items carried by various people who traveled with the Continental Army.

The Average Soldier’s Kit:

              Soldiers’ supplies came from various sources depending on regiment, militia, and region. Some soldiers were able to quickly obtain needed items, while many others went without because their regiments were not able to supply them. Major General Philip Schuyler, commander of the Northern Department of the Continental Army, spent much of 1775-1776 working to supply his troops at forts like Ticonderoga and Crown Point.[i] Distance between the supplies and soldiers hindered the distribution of items, which led to significant shortages of everything from food to armaments. Over time, the Continental Army improved their access to supplies, but soldiers still relied on impressment—the forced seizure of livestock, food, and wagons—to obtain key supplies, or they were forced to go without.

              Though not every soldier had the same supplies, the average enlisted man could have expected to be supplied the following: 

Soldier's Knapsack. 1770. 
Washington's Headquarters Collection.

“A good Fire-Arm, with a Steel or Iron Ram-Rod, and a Spring to retain the same, a Worm, Priming wire and Brush, and a Bayonet fitted to your GUN, a Scabbard and Belt therefor, and a Cutting Sword, or a Tomahawk or Hatchet, a Pouch containing a Cartridge Box, that will hold fifteen Rounds of Cartridges at least, a hundred Buck Shot, a Jack-Knife and Tow for Wadding, six Flints, one pound powder, forty Leaden Balls fitted to your GUN, a Knapsack and Blanket a Canteen or Wooden Bottle sufficient to hold one Quart.”[ii]

              Additionally, men would be supplied with clothing when available.

              Camp followers often accompanied enlisted men. These were often wives or enslaved people who could perform paid or unpaid labor like cooking and laundry for the soldiers. Camp followers were not official members of the military and so they were expected to work for their meager necessities.[iii] In rare cases, however, they were paid in money or supplies. Many officers, like George Washington, took issue with camp followers, despite officers’ wives frequently choosing to travel with their husbands. Washington felt that these camp followers were a burden that should not be “supported through public expense” because this “would be robbing the public and encouraging idleness.”[iv]

              Every Continental soldier’s experience was likely different during the Revolutionary War, but consistent supply issues appear to have been nearly universal for soldiers whose commissaries struggled to provide for them.

Philip Schuyler’s War Chest:

    

Philip Schuyler's War Chest.
Schuyler Mansion Collections.

          In the Schuyler Mansion collection, there is a war chest (SM.1972.31), believed to have been Philip Schuyler’s. It was donated to Schuyler Mansion in the early 20th century by Schuyler’s great-great granddaughter, Kilda C. Malcom Harrell (1893-1977). Family tradition suggests that this chest was originally Major General Schuyler’s “camp chest” during the Revolutionary War. It was later used by great-grandson William S. Malcom Jr. (1857-1930). Conservation reports suggest that the top of the chest where “William S. Malcom Jr.” is painted is a replacement of the original top.

              During the American Revolution, a war chest or “camp chest” would be used to carry personal items, cooking utensils, clothing, bedding, maps, compasses, or anything else that would fit.[v] Officers, the men who most often had a camp chest, had many items they needed on a daily basis and if there were wagons traveling with them, a chest could securely and comfortably be stored there. Otherwise, especially for the average enlisted man, cooking pots, stoves, utensils, extra clothing, etc. were carried by hand or on their back. Over time, this extra weight would add up and, in many cases,—especially during the winter or when ill—this could slow down troop movement.

Wooden Chest Belonging to Capt. Benjamin Ledyard.
1770-1780. Fort Ticonderoga Collections.
              Captain Benjamin Ledyard of the 1st New York Regiment had a war chest that is today preserved by Fort Ticonderoga.[vi] This wooden chest is in relatively good condition for its age. Compared to the war chests of George Washington and Philip Schuyler, the style is far plainer. Ledyard’s chest was made with spruce wood, a soft, medium-weight wood that often does not hold up well in outdoor conditions. However, spruce wood is very common in the northeast, making it likely Ledyard made or purchased the chest in his locality. By contrast, Schuyler’s chest was made from pine. Similar to spruce, pine is a soft wood, but it is stiff, giving the wood durability and strength.  In the 18th century, yellow pine was abundant and much harder than modern species used today. The iron hinges and lock on Schuyler’s chest were also practically designed for a war chest that could be transported many miles throughout its time of use.

              Though Philip Schuyler did not directly lead his troops into battle, he spent much of 1775-1777 moving between the northern forts, like Ticonderoga, and his homes in Albany and Saratoga. When traveling between these locations Schuyler would have needed various items for his personal care and comfort, so the war chest likely moved with him.

George Washington’s Camp Bed:

              Mount Vernon has in its collection a version of a field bedstead that may have been used by George Washington during the Revolutionary War.[vii] As armies traveled frequently, there was not always a consistent place for men to sleep. Officers, like General Washington, expected comfortable accommodation, no matter where they traveled. This often meant that officers would move into abandoned or rentable homes where their army was headquartered—think the luxurious townhouses of Morristown, New Jersey and the country farmhouses at Newburgh, New York, which became Washingtons headquarters centered on the Hasbrouck House.

                At other times, Continental Army officers “roughed it” like the rest of their soldiers. One of the tents Washington used during the Revolutionary War is preserved in the Museum of the American Revolution in Philadelphia. The tent is ~300 square feet and could be divided so the space contained different rooms.[viii] One of the partitions could close off to create a private sleeping space for Washington where a field bed could be installed. One of these items survives in the Mount Vernon collection.

          

Field Bedsted. c. 1775. Mount Vernon Collections.

    Mount Vernon’s field bed has:

“four, identically turned posts, a rectangular headboard (replaced), and rabbeted rails. Head- and footposts are hinged in two places, so that the tapering, uncarved posts with swelled knob tops and the circular, tapered legs on tall, incurved, circular feet fold over the end rails. Side rails with iron hinges at their centers that fold inwards; a hinged, square, tapered leg (replacement) is attached at each joint for support. Iron hooks secure bedstead in open position.”[ix]

              When folded, the bed could be as small as 11x11x36 inches, making it a very portable item to provide the Commander in Chief a comfortable place to rest. Most men in the military would have had a bed roll to sleep upon the ground.

Marquis de Lafayette’s Brazier:

              During the Revolutionary War, soldiers and officers often cooked for themselves, or were cooked for by camp followers, on portable stoves, Dutch ovens, and braziers. These bulky items were key to cooking on the move and far from a kitchen. Dutch, or bake ovens, and braziers had feet and were used by placing them over a bed of hot coals and covered. These all-in-one portable cooking surfaces ensured that food was sufficiently cooked through relying on hot coals underneath and sometimes inside the ovens.

Marquis de Lafayette's Brazier. c. 1770.
Museum of the American Revolution Collections.
              The Museum of the American Revolution in Philadelphia has a copper and iron brazier believed to have been owned by the Marquis de Lafayette.[x] The copper bowl is cradled by the iron stand and cooking surface. There is a wooden handle which allowed for handling while cooking. Hot coals placed in the copper bowl, meat or other items placed on top of the cooking surface.

              Though it cannot be proven that this brazier was definitively owned by the Marquis de Lafayette, it is a fine example of a brazier used during the American Revolutionary War.

Prince Simbo’s Powder Horn:

              Prince Simbo was a member of the 7th Connecticut Regiment during the Revolutionary War. He was likely a person of African descent and, though it is unclear his status prior to enlisting, he was possibly a free man. Most Black people without notation of an enslaver on the muster rolls enlisted as freemen. In Simbo’s case, his muster roll record lists no commentary, which suggests he enlisted independently. Connecticut had the largest population of enslaved people in New England during the 1770s, however there was also a small but increasing population of free Black men in the region as well. The small population of free Black people often had some degrees of personal agency and could enlist in the Continental Army, especially because the army was frequently in dire need of more soldiers.[xi]

Simbo began to serve as a private in 1777 and continued his enlistment until the end of the war. An item connected to Prince Simbo is a powder horn engraved with his name and place of residence, Glastonbury, Connecticut. Today Prince Simbo’s powder horn is in the collection of the Smithsonian Museum of African American History.

Powder Horn. c. 1777.
Collection of the Smithsonian National Museum
of African American History and Culture. 

Powder horns were containers for gunpowder which was a necessary part of firing guns during the 18th century. Most powder horns were made from cow, ox, or buffalo horns, affixed with a stopper and usually a sling so they could be worn.

Other engravings on the powder horn include a dove carrying a banner reading “LIBERTY,” a sun with a face, a deer, a pine tree, and various other pattern designs.[xii]  These inscriptions on the powder horn suggest that he was literate and had artistic skill. Other powder horns depicted maps of regions where a person came from or where they fought. Jospeh Frye, c. 1756, had a powder horn depicting the Hudson River Valley which was the region he fought in for the British during the French and Indian War.[xiii]

Prince Simbo’s unit fought at the Battles of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth. While stationed in Morristown, New Jersey, in 1779, Prince Simbo took a thirty-day furlough and was later, in 1780, transferred to the Invalid Corps, which was a unit of wounded soldiers that focused on camp guarding and training.[xiv]

After the war, Prince Simbo returned to Glastonbury, Connecticut. where in the 1790 census lists that he was a head of household with five other free individuals. He died on December 14th, 1810.[xv] Prince Simbo is one of many people of African descent who served during the Revolutionary War for the Continental Army.

Miniature Portraits by Charles Willson Peale

             
During the 18th century and beyond, miniature portraits were popular items desired and purchased by members of the upper echelons of society. Miniatures were usually about 1 to 5 inches and depicted a bust of a person. These items were unobtainable for the vast majority of the population, but for wealthy Loyalists or supporters of the American cause these items were precious mementos. Miniatures were often small enough to be worn as part of jewelry, necklaces or bracelets, which provided incredible portability unobtainable for other portraits that because of size were restricted to being hung on a wall. Many officers carried miniatures of wives, children, or parents as they traveled with the army. However, when the conditions permitted, travelling or enlisted artists would create these works in army camps to be sent home to family.[xvi]

George Washington Miniature. Charles Wilson Peale.
c. 1777. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Collections.

              During the winter at Valley Forge, 1777-1778, many officers of the Continental Army patronized Charles Willson Peale for portrait miniatures. The miniature of General George Washington is the most famous of this grouping. His portrait miniature is watercolor painted on ivory and is 1 ½ in x 1 3/8 in set in a gold bracelet case.[xvii] It is unknown if the item was intended as a gift to Martha Washington or another family member. Martha Washington often joined the Continental Army at their winter encampments to be alongside her husband during the non-fighting periods of the year. During campaign seasons she usually remained at Mount Vernon in Virginia. The miniature of George Washington made at Valley Forge may have been a memento for Martha Washington to take with her after returning home in the spring of 1778.

              Charles Willson Peale’s miniature of George Washington, alongside many other miniatures created throughout Peale’s career were donated to the Metropolitan Museum of Art (MET) in 1883 by collector William Henry Huntington (c. 1820-1885).  

Alexander Hamilton’s Letters Home

              Only months after meeting in Morristown, New Jersey, Alexander Hamilton and Elizabeth Schuyler parted ways when she set off for home in Albany during the early summer of 1780. The pair’s whirlwind courtship had already culminated in a request to Elizabeth Schuyler’s parents for the approval of their desire to marry.[xviii] However, as the campaign season for 1780 loomed, Schuyler could no longer linger with the Continental Army. She returned home and awaited the time when Hamilton could join her at Albany to have their wedding. During this time apart, the pair exchanged letters, Hamilton sending quite a few more than Schuyler.

              On July 6th, 1780, Alexander Hamilton wrote:

“…it is a maxim of my life to enjoy the present good with the highest relish & to soften the present evil by a hope of future good. I alleviate the pain of absence by looking forward to that delightful period which gives us to each other forever; and my imagination serves up such a feast of pleasure as almost makes me forget the deprivation I now experience.”[xix]

The flirtatious nature of this letter is tempered with the overwhelming reality that Alexander Hamilton, and the other soldiers fighting in the Revolution, were living with an ever-present sense of danger. Letters home assuaged family members to suggest that their loved ones were still alive but could not ensure that a person would continue to have the luck of remaining safe from violence. Hamilton’s love letters to Elizabeth Schuyler were likely vital remembrances of the couples’ feelings for each other during the period of their separation. Those who were not literate often had to wait extended periods to hear about the fates of their families at home or on the battlefield.

Throughout the Revolutionary War, enlisted men and officers carried necessities, and sometimes more sentimental items that created a level of comfort when far from home. Many stories survive about the baggage soldiers carried during the war, which can illustrate the experiences of these diverse peoples. Throughout the war, people sought to bring items with them that allowed them to continue life as soldiers, even when times were tough.


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Sunday, July 19, 2026

Schuyler versus Gates: The Fight for Command of the Northern Department

 

Major General Philip Schuyler. 
John Trumbull. ca. 1792.

              Philip Schuyler was appointed as the Major General of the Northern Department of the newly formed Continental Army, on June 19th, 1775. The Northern Department consisted primarily of lands in the New York colony.[i] His immediate orders from George Washington were to “Keep a watchful Eye upon Governor Tryon” and improve relations with Canadians and Indigenous people, primarily the Haudenosaunee.[ii] These were herculean tasks that as a major general, Schuyler struggled to see through. Supplies were consistently short, no matter how many pleas of support he sent Washington and the Continental Congress. There were also concerns over lackluster enrollments into militias and regiments. Regional antagonism pitted New Yorkers against New Englanders threatening unity within the army. Furthermore, Schuyler’s fragile health would become a factor that threatened his ability to lead. Within a year of taking command, Schuyler was challenged by newly appointed Major General Horatio Gates.

Philip Schuyler’s Military Past:

Mrs. Philip John Schuyler (1762-1767).
Thomas McIlworth. The New York Historical.

              Philip Schuyler’s military career began during the French and Indian War (also known as the Seven Years War). On May 5th, 1755, he was commissioned by the Lieutenant Governor, James De Lancy, to raise a volunteer unit.[iii] He received the rank of captain after his unit was established. He missed the deadly Battle of Lake George on September 8th, 1755, because of an order from Johannes van Rensselaer he remained in Albany to marry Catharine van Rensselaer, who was four months pregnant with their first child. They were married on September 7th, 1755, the day before the battle.[iv]

              Around the same time as his marriage, Schuyler made the acquaintance of Colonel John Bradstreet (1711?-1774). Bradstreet would be one of the closest and most important supporters of Schuyler during the remaining years of the French and Indian War. Schuyler spent much of 1756 serving under Bradstreet and his troops around western New York.[v] During this period Schuyler gained key experience in logistics. He learned how warfare on the frontier required strategic planning which sometimes meant felling trees to make roads and streams impassible. Furthermore, forts on the frontier regularly faced shortages if supplies were not transported well in advance of intended campaigns. Schuyler learns about these considerations alongside John Bradstreet as he worked in the British Army.

After a new commandeer, John Campbell, Earl of Loudoun, was appointed it is possible that Schuyler resigned as there are no known records of payment for military service past 1757.[vi] In 1758, Schuyler joined an “expedition to the lakes,” traveling north to Lake George. During the years following his marriage, Schuyler appears to have remained closer to home as he worked for John Bradstreet, assisting in his work as the quartermaster general, possibly as a civilian consultant.[vii]

The final chapters of Philip Schuyler’s early service in the military seem to have been confined to Albany, procuring and passing supplies to those stationed on the frontier. These experiences likely prepared him for the Revolutionary War, when many of these same duties would be expected of him as a major general. It is worth noting that very little of his experience was connected directly to the battlefield or commanding troops.

Horatio Gates’ Military Past:

Major General Horatio Gates.
James Peale c. 1782. National Portrait Gallery.
Though only a few years older than Schuyler, Horatio Gates began his military career six years before Schuyler. In 1749, at age 21, Gates was commissioned as a lieutenant under Colonel Edward Cornwallis. On obtaining this commission he traveled with the army to Halifax, Nova Scotia.[viii] Gates’ earlier career is unknown, but it is possible he was given unusual preference, leading to military advancement because his mother worked as the housekeeper to the Duke of Bolton. After obtaining his commission he traveled with the campaigns that established Halifax in Nova Scotia.[ix] This was Gates’ first foray into military action in the North American colonies.

In 1754, he obtained the captaincy in control of the Fourth Independent Company of Foot in New York.[x] During the French and Indian War, he led his company in fighting throughout the New York frontier.[xi] This was tough terrain and with little provisions he likely suffered alongside the soldiers under him. His involvement in major military action concluded in 1756. After this, he spent time making social and diplomatic relations with Sir William Johnson and the Haudenosaunee people in the Mohawk Valley.[xii] The rest of the French and Indian War, Gates’ involvement was sporadic, primarily consisting of gathering and transporting supplies.

              By the end of the French and Indian War, Gates was raised to the rank of a major in the British Army.[xiii] He then struggled to achieve any higher rank without aristocratic connections, and spent several years living in Bath, England, with his family. Upon returning to New York in 1762 to take command of the 45th regiment, he discovered another man had already been appointed in his place.[xiv] He did receive a commission as a major in 1764, but by the mid-1760s this offer was not enough for his ambitions.[xv] Life outside of the army in Bath, England, did not improve his finances, and so he and his family moved back to the North American colonies in 1772.

The Feud:

             Both Philip Schuyler and Horatio Gates saw their first military service in the British Army. Both acted as quartermasters during the French and Indian War. Gates spent much longer in the employ of the Army of Great Britain, but waged long fights attempting to raise his station. Their early careers were somewhat similar, but neither had a great deal of battlefield experience by the time they joined the Continental Army.

Return of the Experiment - 1787
Return of the Experiment. Len Tantillo (1994).
This painting depicts Albany as it may have appeared c. 1787. 

Tensions were high from their first meeting, sometime around July 1st, 1776. Major General Philip Schuyler’s letter to General George Washington the day Major General Gates arrived in Albany has many mentions of Gates—many of them negative. Upon Gate’s arrival, concerns over command were evident, and both men had conflicting information which immediately required attention. Schuyler wrote:

“If Congress intended that General Gates should command the Northern Army wherever it might be, as he assures me they did, it ought to have been signified to me, and I should then have immediately resigned the Command to him, but until such Intention is properly conveyed to me I never can: I must therefore entreat your Excellency to lay this Letter before Congress, that they may clearly & explicitly signify their Intentions to avert the Dangers & Evils that may arise from a disputed Command…”[xvi]

Gates claimed that he received an order, and Schuyler wrote to the Continental Congress to confirm the order to take command of the forces. The Continental Congress’ intent was to have Gates take charge of those fighting in Canada, not the entire Northern Department. However, by Schuyler’s account these Canadian forces had already evacuated. Schuyler asserted that he would willingly resign his command of the Northern Department to Gates if that was what the Continental Congress had decided. Schuyler did not want to refuse the orders of the Continental Congress or General Washington, but he required clarification from them before acting. Taken also in the context of Schuyler’s many attempts to retire from the military during the preceding months, it is possible he wanted to make his position on handing over command clear so he could retire honorably. However, this remains speculatory and Schuyler’s foremost concern was to ensure clear chains of command for their soldiers.

              During their first weeks sharing command, there was certainly conflict between the two men, but both sought peaceful resolution. Schuyler wrote:

“General Gates and myself mean to be candid and wish to have the Matter settled without any of that Chicane, which would disgrace us as Officers & Men, we have agreed to speak plain and to shew each other what we have written to you upon the Occasion, and he has accordingly read the whole of what I have abovesaid.”[xvii]

              A week later the answer for who had a higher command was decided. The Continental Congress resolved on July 8th, 1776:

              “Major General Gates be informed, that it was the intention of the Congress to give him the command of the troops whilst in Canada, but had no design to vest him with a superior command to General Schuyler, whilst the troops should be on this side of Canada; and that the president write to Major General Schuyler and Major General Gates, stating this matter, and recommending to them to carry on the military operations with harmony, and in such a manner as shall best promote the public service:”[xviii]

The Congress had solved the issue of command, at least on face value. The pair of generals needed to work together for the benefit of the army and the Revolutionary cause.

              In Schuyler’s next letter to Washington, he copies the language of the Continental Congress’ resolve when he wrote there is “the most perfect Harmony … between us, and that I shall by every Attention to General Gates strictly cultivate it…”[xix] Evidently there had been some concern that the pair of generals was not getting along—prompting Schuyler to assure Congress that nothing was amiss. He repeats similar sentiments in letters throughout July. Though a congressional resolution had determined the chain of command in the Northern Department by early August, Schuyler wrote to Washington that there were still concerns:

“…that more than one Head to any Department must be introductory to Confusion—This Sentiment I have strongly held up to Congress in some of my Letters…”[xx]

A plan of the town and Fort of Carillon at Ticonderoga:
with the attack made by the British army commanded by Genl. Abercrombie,
8 July 1758. Norman B. Leventhal Map Center/Boston Public Library


The pair of major generals spent much of the rest of the summer of 1776 traveling between northern forts, primarily Crown Point and Ticonderoga. They weren’t always together, as several letters passed between the two men. In mid-August, Schuyler turned his attention away from the northern frontier and towards western New York.[xxi] This choice may have been an attempt to avoid more conflict with General Gates, but was also a strategic choice following the shifting of the warfront. Future campaigns would center on western New York, the territory of the Haudenosaunee people.[xxii] The Cherokee-American Wars were being fought across the south, and in the north, many Haudenosaunee people were outwardly siding with the British. Schuyler, as a Commissioner of Indian Affairs, likely worked as a diplomat and had to leave Gates to mind the northern forts.

              In early July, Schuyler and Gates wavered about abandoning important northern forts.[xxiii] The unsuccessful invasion of Canada that Schuyler and his peers had planned was coming to an end—and was determined a failure. On July 8th, 1776, Schuyler and Gates decided that Crown Point, as well as several other northern forts, should be abandoned.

A stern middle-aged man with gray hair is wearing a dark red suit. He is standing behind a table, holding a rolled up document in one hand, and pointing with the other hand to a large document on the table.
Samuel Adams by John Singleton Copley (1772).
The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 

The summer of 1776 also saw Gates’ supporters in the Continental Congress pushing to his position as the person who should lead the Northern Department. Samuel Adams wrote to his cousin John Adams “the Army can confide in the Valor and military Skill and Accomplishments of Gates.”[xxiv] Through the next year these supporters schemed on “How shall we make him [Gates] the Head of that Army.”[xxv] Gates and Schuyler’s supporters clashed in Congress in the same way the pair of generals did outside.

Later, in October 1776 the Continental army lost the Battle of Valcour Island, signifying the true end to the Continental Army’s invasion in Canada. Schuyler spent that winter between Albany and Saratoga, planning for the next year of combat.

By March 1777, Gates had been offered a demotion to the title of adjunct general by the Continental Congress.[xxvi] This reassignment pulled Gates away from the Northern Department. The offer was not likely put forth as a means to avoid conflict between him and Schuyler. Instead, the Congress and George Washington believed that Gates was skilled in training and organizing troops, something that was desperately needed with the many newly enlisted soldiers.[xxvii] However, Gates did not desire to resume this subordinate position and so he and his supporters, especially John Adams, continued to lobby in the Continental Congress for his own independent command of the Northern Department. All the way back in August of 1776, John Adams wrote “I wish with all my Heart that you were Dictator at Ticonderoga, as much as it was intended you Should be, in Canada.”[xxviii]

 In April 1777, Gates was placed independently in charge of Fort Ticonderoga and established headquarters in Albany. This frustrated Schuyler’s supporters who believed that the commander of Fort Ticonderoga should not be headquartered in Albany.[xxix]

image
James Duane by John Trumbull (1805).
Public Design Commission of the City of New York. 

In New York and Philadelphia, Schuyler’s supporters, James Duane and John Jay, were working to support the independent command of Philip Schuyler with the hope of eliminating Gates’ position.[xxx] Schuyler’s efforts in Congress were successful. On May 22nd, 1777, they resolved that:

“Albany, Ticonderoga, Fort Stanwix, and their dependencies, be henceforth considered as forming the Northern Department:

“That Major General Schuyler be directed forthwith to proceed to the northern department, and take upon him the command there.”[xxxi]

        Gates requested Schuyler relieve him from his post so that he could travel to Philadelphia to fight for his position. Accounts of Gates’ speech in front of Congress on June 19th, 1777, from Schuyler’s friends James Duane and William Duer suggest that things did not go well for him. Duer wrote that Gates, after telling his news from the North, “took out of his Pocket some scraps of Papers, containing a Narrative of his Birth Parentage and Education Life Character, and Behavior” in an attempt to convince the Congress that he had worked most honorably for the cause.[xxxii] Another member of Congress made a motion for Gates to be dismissed and Duer seconded this because his conduct was “unbecoming.”[xxxiii] Gates had made somewhat a fool of himself in front of Congress. This was at least the second time within the preceding year that he had been pushed out of a military appointment. Many times, Gates had been pushed out of prime positions and superseded by those with more social capital. His frustrations, while expressed improperly in front of Congress, stemmed from repeatedly being passed over by those he viewed as less qualified.

image
Traveler’s Rest photographed in 1936.
Horatio Gates’ home in Jefferson County, West Virginia.

         On July 8th, 1777, General Gates was, “directed to repair to head quarters, and follow the directions of General Washington.”[xxxiv] Gates returned to Virginia for a visit home with his wife and son before reluctantly taking a temporary command from General Benjamin Lincoln.[xxxv] Schuyler also sent several letters to George Washington suggesting that the British Army under General John Burgoyne were making significant strides south from Canada, which forced the abandonment of Fort Ticonderoga on July 5th, 1777.[xxxvi] The Gates faction in Congress took advantage of the doubt laid against Schuyler. Throughout the rest of July, Schuyler’s army shrunk. He was unpopular with many New Englanders and many of them sought to go elsewhere or refused to serve under him.[xxxvii]

Schuyler’s conduct was also called into question. Hezekiah Smith of Massachusetts, a Chaplain with the Northern Department wrote an account of his life between July 22nd and August 14th, 1777, he wrote that Schuyler:

 “…acted more like a mad man than the Commander-in-Chief. He beat some of the soldiers who were performing their duty. He cursed, damned, swore, profaned the name of God in a most horrible manner, and swore by his Maker, that if he could light on the Major of our brigade, he would split his head open and scatter his brains upon the ground.”[xxxviii]

           Smith’s indictment of Schuyler’s character and behavior speaks possibly of his own sectionalism. As a New Englander he, like many others, was predisposed to dislike Schuyler and his account may be an exaggeration. It is unknown that Schuyler’s actual treatment of soldiers was as Smith recounted especially because these words were recorded in a journal but more generally Schuyler’s enemies in the Continental Congress were not hesitant to make their displeasure with him known in other correspondence.[xxxix]

            On August 1st, 1777, General Schuyler received direction from the Continental Congress to go to headquarters in Philadelphia where his superior, General Washington, would relieve him of his command.[xl] Gates’ supporters John Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Samuel Adams, and others wrote a letter of support for their replacement, Gates, on August 2nd, 1777. They wrote:

“As Congress have authorized your Excellency to send a proper Officer to take the Command in the northern Department; We take the Liberty to signifie to your Excellency that in our Opinion, no Man will be more likely; to restore, Harmony, Order and Discipline, and retrieve our Affairs in that Quarter, than Majr. Genll. Gates. He has on Experience acquired the Confidence, and stands high in the Esteem of the eastern States and Troops. With Confidence in Your Wisdom We chearfully submit it, to Your Excellency’s Consideration.”[xli]

              These men had confidence in Gates and wanted to support his independent command in the Northern Department. In a vote, Major General Horatio Gates was elected to the head of the Northern Department.[xlii]

image
General John Burgoyne. Joshua Reynolds
(c. 1766). Frick Collection. 

        Through the middle of August, Schuyler remained in command of the Northern Department. When Gates arrived at the Northern Department on August 19th, 1777, Schuyler handed over command. Schuyler continued to help supply the army as Gates prepared for the imminent attack from General Burgoyne’s troops to the north. In September and October, the two battles of Saratoga between the armies commenced. Though the first had been a tactical victory for Burgoyne, despite many casualties, the second was a much-needed triumph for the Continental Army. On October 17th, 1777, General Burgoyne surrendered to the Continental troops, led by Major General Gates, who would receive a majority of the credit for the success of the battle.

           Though General Gates is often credited for the success at the Battles of Saratoga, later events would supplant his good reputation. He had gained command of the Northern Department, as well as a major victory, but remained ambitious for yet a higher rank. During the winter of 1777-1778, Gates’ friends and supporters in the Continental Congress were suspected of trying to replace George Washington with Gates as the Commander-in-Chief.[xliii] The Conway Cabal, as it would come to be known, did not come to pass, but Gates’ involvement in the plot was enough to impact his reputation. On October 22, 1778[xliv] Gates took charge of the Eastern Department (New England) and then on June 13th, 1780, he was transferred by the Continental Congress to act as the head of the Southern Department.[xlv] Gates and his army lost the Battle of Camden, August 16th, 1780, and he was replaced by Nathanael Greene.[xlvi] Later in October 1780 his son, Robert Gates, died. Gates returned home to Virginia in defeat and was never again trusted with field command.

Outcomes:

          Both Major General Philip Schuyler and Major General Horatio Gates left service in the Northern Department of the Continental Army in less than ideal circumstances.  They had grown their reputation as military leaders and then acted in ways that did not promote themselves as high quality officers. As a civilian but also Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Schuyler remained involved with several Continental campaigns. He was an architect of the scorched-earth Clinton-Sullivan campaign against the Haudenosaunee people, but never sought direct command again, even as the Congress requested for him to retake command. Gates, due to his involvement in an attempt to oust General Washington, was distrusted and removed from the possibility of future command.

The pair of major generals had been at war with each other for command of the Northern Department for nearly a year and yet the conflict spiraled outward and overall impacted their effectiveness as leaders. They were both ineffective at varying times. Schuyler’s bouts of illness frequently made it impossible for him to carry out his ambitious plans on the Northern and Western frontiers. Pro-Gates propaganda took advantage of Schuyler’s consistent ill health and sectional divisions to lower the estimation of his character in the minds of those who supported Gates. On the other hand, Gates’ personal ambitions for higher positions diverted his focus from military strategy and logistics. Though Gates eventually won command of the Northern Department and led it to victory, his subsequent missteps tanked his reputation.


[iv] Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 17 + http://aleph0.clarku.edu/~djoyce/gen/albany/part4.html#marriage (Dutch Reformed Church Records)

[v] Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 23-24

[vi] Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 24

[vii] Don Gerlach PH book 1, pg 27.

[viii] Nelson 8-9.

[ix] Nelson 8-9.

[x] Nelson 11.

[xi] Nelson 14.

[xii] Nelson 18-19.

[xiii] Nelson 24-26.

[xiv] Nelson 26.

[xv] Nelson 30.

[xviii] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044020407409&seq=118 Journal of the Continental Congress Vol 5, pg 526.

[xxiv] “Samuel Adams to John Adams, 16 August 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-04-02-0214. [Original source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 4, February–August 1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979, pp. 467–469.]

[xxv] “Samuel Adams to John Adams, 9 January 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-05-02-0036. [Original source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 5, August 1776 – March 1778, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006, pp. 68–71.]

[xxvii] Nelson 78-79.

[xxviii] “John Adams to Horatio Gates, 13 August 1776; 18 August 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-04-02-0203. [Original source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 4, February–August 1776, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979, pp. 450–451.]

[xxix] Nelson 80-81 + Richard Varick to Philip Schuyler April 18 1777 (NYPL)

[xxx] Nelson 84.

[xxxi]https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=9  Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8 (pg 375)

[xxxii] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015058009385&seq=462 Letters of Members of the Continental Congress Vol II (pg 384)

[xxxiii] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015058009385&seq=462 Letters of the Members of the Continental Congress Vol II (pg 385)

[xxxiv] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=174 Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8 (pg 540).

[xxxv] Nelson pg 87.

[xxxvi] Nelson pg 92.

[xxxvii] Nelson pg 94/100.

[xxxix] “John Adams to Abigail Adams, 20 July 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/04-02-02-0228. [Original source: The Adams Papers, Adams Family Correspondence, vol. 2, June 1776 – March 1778, ed. L. H. Butterfield. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963, pp. 285–286.]

[xl] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=230 Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8, pg 596.

[xli] “New England Delegates to George Washington, 2 August 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-05-02-0154. [Original source: The Adams Papers, Papers of John Adams, vol. 5, August 1776 – March 1778, ed. Robert J. Taylor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006, pp. 261–262.]

[xlii] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89096838255&seq=238 Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 8, pg 604.

[xliii] Nelson 158.

[xliv] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044097905335&seq=190 Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 12, pg 1038.

[xlv] https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=nyp.33433091009070&seq=100 Journals of the Continental Congress Vol 17, pg 508.

[xlvi] Nelson 236; 252.



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